The High Court's ruling in Deri's case brought to an end the "waiting period" imposed by the supreme judges on the political system and the Israeli public. It was not a period that made anyone hold their breath. What will be decided in Deri's case.
The result was clear in advance, the reasons were even more predictable, and many have the feeling that the connection between them and law and justice is much less strong than the political and value world view of ten judges, who, as usual - are smarter, more equal and above all more reasonable than the masses of Beit Israel, who knew the data and chose to express themselves by voting Your position on the question of who here is really reasonable.
The High Court ruled that his appointment is unlikely, Aryeh Deri, photo: none
There is no war of authorities in Israel, and the Deri ruling is not another stage in the struggle between legislators and judges.
As the days go by, it becomes clear to what extent this is a battle between political movements.
The Supreme Court functions as a party that, although it was not elected by anyone, but seeks to decide on what happens in the Knesset, in the government, in security, and starting this week - also regarding what happens at the ballot box.
When such a decision is made after the elections and the formation of the government, the court signals that it was not Deri's appointment that exceeded the range of reasonableness, but his voters.
The judges, their agents in the media and the man whose words are "the words of God live", as a learned commentator called it, are busy with the campaign.
It started with the backlog of ex-President Aharon Barak's puzzling interviews, continued with President Hayut's scandalous speech, and continues to be held almost on an hourly basis by lawyers and occasional lawyers, in the media and in Knesset committees.
What next?
From this reality, and since the legal milk has already been spilled, the view now shifts to the inevitable political consequences that will reshape the relationship between the Knesset, the government and the court.
From the side opposing the Levin reform, it is constantly claimed that this is a plan to crush the justice system.
In practice, the justice system, as they say in the neighborhood, came home broken.
The Deri ruling is just the icing on the cake of the political takeover by the system over the government and the Knesset.
From the side opposing the Levin reform, it is constantly claimed that this is a plan to crush the justice system, Yariv Levin, photo: Oren Ben Hakon
Likud and the other coalition partners, of course, did not need Darvon.
The reform train set off, and Hayat and its judges made a decisive contribution to its acceleration, but did not change anything regarding the motivation to make the necessary changes.
The coalition's understanding is that there is no escape from rebuilding the legal system through legislation, which will oblige it to abandon its political ambitions and focus on rulings and discussions that are subject to the law - and not on the individual positions of the judges and other members of the system.
A reconstruction that will rescue public trust from the lows it is in.
If the High Court and Saladin's people are currently a political party - the only solution is to rebuild it from within the political system.
This is only half of the trouble the justice system has gotten itself into.
Right-wing elements from the opposition may also try to join and influence the reform, or at least reap dividends from it after it passes the legislative process.
Gideon Sa'ar is careful to express his disapproval of the reform, but will announce his own reform soon.
His Knesset members and other elements in the state camp also recognize the extreme departure from balance of the Israeli justice system.
In this sense, the era of animals and lightning is over.
Lapid, who until now tried to conduct a campaign against the reform by correspondence and without going out into the field, sweated and folded, and announced his participation in the next demonstration on Motzash. A guest was inclined to give a speech. The opponents of the reforms are vocal - but the momentum for change is great, and Lapid may be the big loser.
In Likud and the other coalition partners, of course, they did not need Darvon, Likud faction yeshiva, photo: Yehuda Shlesinger
The only person currently choosing to sit on the fence is Avigdor Lieberman, who is showing political cowardice.
Lieberman's position regarding the judicial system is well known, and many estimate that his views are the same as those offered by Yariv Levin and Simcha Rothman, if not more extreme than them.
But Lieberman adopts the tactic of "guarding his mouth and tongue - guarding his soul from trouble", going along and hoping that he can continue to feel without.
Burned into Lieberman's mind was the time when he was public enemy number one on behalf of the left.
He remembers the investigations, the comparisons to fascists, the skits with the leather jackets and the wolf dogs.
He has become addicted to the warm embrace, to the provoking immunity he has been given since he joined the right camp.
Lieberman will try to buy time, but it does not seem at the moment that he will join the prophets of rage, and certainly not the demonstrations in the streets.
This week he clarified that these are leftist demonstrations, and he is a rightist.
We have almost forgotten.
Depends on me
The big question is, of course, what Aryeh Deri will choose to do.
In the political reality, the Shas chairman found himself in an ideal situation.
The ruling united all the elements of the coalition around him and behind him, and it is not for nothing that the announcements and interviews were also characterized on a personal level.
It is not impossible that Deri will have to be the match that burned and ignited a flame in this case.
The path to his return to the minister's office appears to be particularly difficult, even if not impossible.
After almost four decades of a turbulent political career recorded in the days of Israeli democracy, Deri will be forced to accept the verdict.
He will be forced to find a position from which he can continue to influence the system and allow the political system to pass the legal reform, which will prevent future Deri cases.
"The legislative authority will have its say", Amir Ohana, photo: Oren Ben Hakon
The High Court Party is running one of the most effective political campaigns since the establishment of the state. The Deri ruling is just another step in the extremely unreasonable behavior towards the public, its representatives and the Israeli law. The violation of the balance between the authorities, of a vacuumed and sealed system that went a few steps too far.
The court has had its say.
Now, as Knesset Speaker Amir Ohana put it, "the legislative authority will have its say," and decide the political battle on the question of who is the sovereign and who makes the decisions in Israeli democracy. The public's verdict was published on the first day of November, and he said loudly that the current situation In his eyes, it exceeds any standard of reasonableness. This time it will be the judges who will force them to obey.
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