curious government.
While Alberto Fernández exhibits the corpse of his Presidency, paraphrasing a former radical leader, several of his main figures aspire or are nominated as candidates.
Beginning with Fernández, who
insists on being re-elected to avoid lame duck syndrome
but, as Perón said, it is enough to see him walk to know his condition.
The chances of him are "given in the air", as one of his closest friends says, waiting for another stroke of luck.
His erratic verbiage makes him more incomprehensible.
In addition to his enthusiasm strokes about
him, he makes mistakes in his epic exaggerations about
him.
He said, for example, that his Presidency
has already endured two years of war, in addition to two of a pandemic.
As far as anyone knows, unless he has classified information, Russia invaded the Ukraine almost a year ago.
Now he dedicates his efforts to diluting as much as possible the constitution of a political table for his coalition, which he had to admit after the heavy fire from other factions.
It is already known, and Perón also said it,
that if you want to kick an initiative you have to set up a commission
.
The candidacy of Sergio Massa is much more serious, from whose coattails are hung those who suffered decisive defeats when the current minister was a clear dissident and
promised jail for the gnocchi of La Cámpora.
Now those gnocchi light candles for their former executioner because they are in a trap.
La Cámpora is a decaffeinated déjà vu from the seventies
: verba de fuego and budget from the State to maintain the structure.
If some stranger gets a hand in that framework, or if he has to compete for his, it will be clear that the blood count will show his waning power.
This candidacy has an initial drawback: the minister swears that he will not be one
and adds that his status as head of the Economy is incompatible with that aspiration because all decisions would be tinged with the suspicion that they are dictated to favor him.
The suspicion, however, is already consolidated in any case, although the minister argues that the repurchase of bonds, which is under investigation, was beneficial and that it had the agreement of the Monetary Fund.
That is why Massa protested to Kristalina Georgieva for statements to the contrary by the IMF bureaucracy.
Just as Massa's refusal is still firm, there is a consensus that he is one of the candidates that
would perform best in the elections
.
And that feeds the rumors.
Faced with the mayors of the first and third electoral section, Massa maintained the opposite: Peronism must look for figures that surprise society.
The minister has been with the theory for some time that new figures must be found and at the same time create an environment so that
the intern does not explode in public.
Massa repeated this before the governors who visited him this week (Sergio Uñac and Rodríguez Saá, among others).
Inflation refuses to go down and Peronism tries to adapt.
Before, they claimed that with 3% per month they would be competitive again.
Now they are satisfied with 4%. For a government that celebrated not having reached 100 percent per year,
which shows its lack of shame
, that index may seem acceptable although it is unbearable by any rational parameter.
The minister is in a confidentiality period with financial funds preparing another "important" operation and those who are in contact with his representatives say they have not received any important concerns about the official offensive against the Court because they discount that there is no possibility of progress in Congress .
Just fireworks.
Another who is in the race and is looking for a candidate for vice president is Juan Manzur, who claims that he has international support -Israel, where he was in December, and from the White House- for his aspiration.
The effectively retired Chief of Staff
is trying to offer himself as a presidential alternative to the Evita Movement, which would be a hilarious combination.
Wado De Pedro is also in the race to complete the grid of presidential candidates who are part of the cast of the Casa Rosada.
It is a candidacy, for now, very malleable: her boss Cristina Kirchner, who said that her name will not appear on any ballot,
puts and takes at will.
It is the role that she wants to have.
The vice president intends to order this chaotic present with a single candidacy, striking down dissent.
Hence this furious offensive against Fernández and his reelection intentions.
Massa, for his part, agrees that Peronism
should go after a single candidate.
Macri, from the Patagonian South,
maintains the uncertainty of his political intentions
and has turned his retreat in Cumelén into a sanctuary that must be visited by all opponents who aspire to the greatest prize.
Larreta went by and announced that it will be launched in March and got the impression that the former president has not really resolved what he will do.
It is admitted that the second electoral round is a difficult hill for him to conquer, as it is also for Cristina or Fernández.
The mayor of Buenos Aires has to decide, in turn, who he will support in the emblematic district for his aspirations, the City.
If his party, the PRO, or if he will favor his frontier strategy with radicalism and the Civic Coalition.
That decision begins to be key,
when the polls in his dispute with Patricia Bullrich show very tight results.
The political steps will be like this: Santilli will be launched first in the Province and then it will be his turn for the presidential election.
The question being discussed is how to compensate in the Buenos Aires territory
for what Javier Milei's space can in theory eat up JxC.
An alternative that could liquefy that loss is being seriously examined: if Schiaretti, who will launch out of the Frente de Todos with an anti-crack stance, builds an attractive list in the Province with Randazzo or Monzó, he can compensate
by taking away a number of key votes from Peronism
to succeed (in Buenos Aires there is no second electoral round).