Any trial of rapprochement between the sides of the Government and the Frente de Todos always ends up provoking
the opposite effect at this point.
Two private and formal exchanges between Alberto and Cristina Fernández last week on social networks seemed a starting point for some reconstruction.
The demand for a
that the main leaders of La Cámpora (the deputy Máximo Kirchner and the Buenos Aires minister Andrés Larroque) made to the President continued.
Answered by him quickly and in a favorable sense.
At that point, the supposed good intentions in the official coalition began to founder again.
It happens that the rupture at the top of the power system that occurred after the defeat in the 2021 legislative elections has since then only followed
a deepening course
We talked about the link between the first president and the vice president.
That rupture is expressed on two levels:
personal and political.
With the expansive wave that this reality also spills over into their respective environments.
There is no possibility of redoing anything when the individual and societal meaning is shattered.
The chronology of events was as expected.
Why and with what arguments could Alberto resist the request of the "political table"?
The problem surfaced as soon as the content began to be debated.
Kirchnerism intends to debate a change of management course to face the election year.
President only agrees to consider the electoral strategy, without allowing incursions into his administration.
He was explicit in the statements he made on Monday.
“I govern with those that I can govern,” he confessed.
The reference pointed to the Minister of the Interior, Eduardo De Pedro, although it seemed to contain a broader dimension.
Eduardo "Wado" De Pedro, in the campaign, asked to "turn off" the inmate of the Frente de Todos.
Alberto does not want anyone from Kirchnerism to try to impose conditions on him.
He will never admit it:
Máximo is another of those targeted.
The great animosity between the two arose when the deputy voted against the agreement with the IMF in Deputies and resigned from the leadership of the official bloc.
The vice president's son was the one who launched the last volley against Alberto.
He spoke of the so-called "political table" with a defined meaning:
proposing a rediscussion of the agreement with the International Monetary Fund (IMF).
Since the president decided not to respond directly to such a request, the deputy redoubled the pressure.
His ally, the trucker Pablo Moyano, maintained that if there are no changes in the government
"the policies of liberalism will return next year."
Associated, of course, with the possibility of a victory for Together for Change.
Kirchner's demands seem to contain a lot of paradoxes.
The definitions of Máximo and Moyano raise questions.
Would Sergio Massa be willing to ask Kristalina Georgieva, head of the IMF, to refocus the agreement?
Isn't that, perhaps, the only road map that supports the Minister of Economy?
How could the current adjustment be defined, in terms of economic thought, if the fear of the trucker unionist is the presumed return of liberalism?
Also in this labyrinth Massa circulates.
The minister remains clinging to the modest solidarity that Kirchnerism gives him.
It is his strong support.
Hence, he supports the formation of the "political table."
The proposals of Máximo and Moyano, however, raise many doubts.
Alberto, on the other hand, supports economic policy.
Above all, the pact with the IMF.
But his present political volume does not represent a guarantee of stability for the minister.
Although he expresses
"eternal gratitude to Sergio".
Alberto's persistent ambition for re-election shakes the waters of the official coalition and would make a hypothetical Massa candidacy difficult.
The minister should know, perhaps, the final objective of the president's strategy: that his current presence
guarantees the realization of the PASO,
which Kirchnerism looks at with suspicion.
The President has proof.
His opinions, in this field, do not seem casual.
“There is no need to fear the opinion of the people.
Since when are we Peronists afraid of what people think?"
Immediately another pellet:
"Every time I had internal conflicts, Sergio was by my side helping me, he never stood in front of me to throw stones
," he stressed.
Allusion, surely, to the agreement with the IMF.
His verbal tour didn't park there either.
As usual, Alberto defended Cristina's supposedly "persecuted" condition for the corruption cases that she has underway in Justice.
But he linked her politically with the past.
"Let's talk about the future," he proposed when asked in the interview if she would repeat a formula with the vice president.
In the coming days, the reply of the Instituto Patria will be felt.
of the sides in conflict in the ruling party remains in sight to elucidate an internal one that will last the electoral year.
Alberto is a sum of weaknesses.
But he retains some damage output.
Kirchnerism represents the most powerful current in the coalition.
It loses effectiveness with the step to the side –it will be seen if momentary- of Cristina.
The Shards of Battle
The derivations of that fight are several.
The derivations of that fight are several.
The Minister of Social Development, Victoria Tolosa Paz, began to live a new cycle of wear and tear with the cuts and the piquetero chaos in the City and its accesses.
After the January recess, the social movements returned to the streets,
monopolized by the Polo Obrero led by Eduardo Belliboni.
The claim is based on the drop of 160,000 plans decided by the minister.
Need to adjust the box, according to Massa's preaching.
Silence by Pablo Moyano.
The cut of the Polo Obrero in the Pueyrredon Bridge.
Photo: Andres D'Elia
The social movements related to the Government do not accompany that demand.
Tolosa Paz senses that simple times are not coming for her.
She was in charge of publicly questioning De Pedro for having publicly accused Alberto of "not having codes."
She was offended at not having been invited to a meeting with Lula, during the CELAC (Community of Latin American and Caribbean States) summit, along with human rights organizations.
The minister urged him to define whether he is
"inside or outside"
Bullfighting did not go down well with Kirchnerism.
That he seems to have sworn some revenge.
Tolosa Paz hesitates.
She tries to discover if the shadow of Pablo Moyano could be behind the mobilization of the Polo Obrero.
Or Maximus himself.
Pablo Moyano: "If the President does not speak to the Vice President, we give the right the chance to govern again"
Another casualty for Alberto Fernández: Juan Manzur leaves the Cabinet office, although he promised to accompany the President