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Cristina Kirchner, a diva without an audience


The Argentine vice president has never been so far from national sentiment. With dramatic economic figures and a loss of internal and external relevance, she now appeals to the persecution theory

Cristina Kirchner was never further away from the national feeling.

She is alien to both drama (annual inflation of 94%, poverty), ecstasy and euphoria.

To the point that she seems to be the only Argentine that the World Cup played against.


who knew how to turn the Argentine political scene into an opera centered on her gestures and silences, has been lost for a long time in a personal labyrinth, which she unsuccessfully tries to disguise as a national epic.

At the beginning of December, within the framework of the

Roads case,

Cristina was sentenced to six years in prison for embezzlement of public funds;

If she remains firm, her sentence would disqualify her from holding political office.

Disappointed and furious, Cristina defended herself on television with what has been her only strategy so far: attacking the judges, calling them "a mafia, a parallel State" at the service of the enemies of the people, who seek to destroy her and punish her for her great work at the command of the last twenty years in Argentina, from 2003 to the present (with an interval of Mauricio Macri in 2015-2019).

She ardently declared that her party would not count on her for the elections that are being held this year, in what she tried to sound like a spectacular resignation.

However, her emotion collapsed into a void:

the Argentines were too busy studying the rivals that Argentina would face in the World Cup in Qatar.

Very few went to protest at the door of the court, and those who did, demanded before the cameras that they be paid what they owed, their mite for marching in defense of Cristina.

When Argentina won the long-awaited World Cup, the team flatly refused to meet with any representative of the Government.

The champions refused to complete the selection ritual in the Casa Rosada, as had happened in 1978, with the Military Junta, and in 1986, with Raúl Alfonsín.

In order not to bring the golden totem near the kiss of the presidential lips, the players preferred to spend eight hours in the sun in a swinging bus towards the Obelisk.

For his part, Alberto Fernández had to content himself with being photographed with some sports journalists who traveled to report on the matches.

It was the closest he came to the Qatar feat.

Some daring went to receive them the same way: Wado de Pedro, Cristina's possible dolphin, extended his affectionate hug to Messi and Scaloni, who eluded him brilliantly.

The video looks like a Buster Keaton comedy, with the soccer players walking with their eyes fixed ahead, to avoid even brushing their eyes at the Peronist court.

Cristina accused the contempt: without naming it, she thanked the captain in a


, "that with that Maradonian 'go over there silly' he definitely won the hearts of the Argentines."

He did not recognize Messi for his effort and singularity, but for his connection with someone from the past, as if he were saying "I love you because you remind me of someone else."

Messi has always carried the anvil of Diego Maradona's exuberant personalism, to the point that his career in the Argentine team has largely consisted of getting rid of the divo's gravitation;

It is perhaps the only thing that Messi has in common with Peronism, which is trying to get rid of the weight of Cristina.

He still hasn't made it, but she never gives up.

A week after the victory, despite the


that was shaking the country and the planet, Cristina moved to Avellaneda to inaugurate the “Diego Maradona” soccer sports center.

Now Cristina seeks to raise her personal quagmire to new heights.

Between 2003 and 2015, when they exercised executive power, the Kirchners granted colossal budget items to various business partners such as Lázaro Báez, in a scheme that later redirected public money to the couple.

This corruption scheme on the front line of the State has multiple ramifications that are settled in various criminal cases, and it is what has Cristina complicated in court.

She cannot argue that the collection system did not exist, nor that she did not benefit from it: for this reason her maneuver consists of challenging the judges

tout court

, challenging the entire system.

A massive

ad hominem

against the judiciary.

Obedient to the wishes of his vice, Alberto takes Cristina's defense to paroxysm: he requested impeachment from the Supreme Court.

In an election year, he elevated Cristina's legal defense to a political campaign.

The executive branch's attack on the Supreme Court garners criticism at the UN, in Germany and in the Biden government, and it is still palatial gibberish in a country with triple-digit inflation and 50% poor.

Kirchnerism knows that it is an empty


, a raft made to be shipwrecked.

It does not have the parliamentary numbers to prosper.

If Massa, the current Minister of Economy, instructs his three deputies, they could get the votes in Congress, but they know that the crusade will finally die in the Senate, where Peronism does not have a majority.

Sergio Massa faces a dilemma: why would the next president want to join the onslaught on the Supreme Court, which will stand undaunted in her place once Cristina and her legal mess are over?

Skillful and ambitious, Massa's lack of scruples tends to be perceived as a form of audacity.

Massa knows that, in order to win, he needs the Kirchnerist church, that 25% that Cristina controls.

His solution is to apply classic Peronism: tell everyone what they want to hear.

He complements himself well with Alberto Fernández: although his image borders on the baseboards, Alberto does a good job staging the “left” gestures that prevent younger wolves, like De Pedro and Juan Grabois, from growing up and taking over the scene.

A furniture president, expert in the arts of occupying space.

If at first Alberto embodied the fantasy of the Peronist "right" that agreed with the capitalist system, he now bequeaths that role to Massa, who exerts a fierce adjustment with comfort.

Massa has the shock forces on his side: recently,

the Praetorian Guard of Hugo Moyano's truckers dedicated themselves to "controlling prices" dressed in black jackets, in a nod to Italian fascism that goes back to the founding origins of Perón's party.

They are an effective trio: Cristina retains the base, from where she beats up the entire political system.

After all, despite exercising power for more than twenty years, Cristina has always sold a utopian, revolutionary role of a female Che Guevara with a rosary around her neck, as if she were not an essential part of the


(or his own government).

Now Cristina says that she is outlawed.

It is the last jewel that Peronism has left: anti-Peronism.

The idea that she is prosecuted motivated by hatred and staunch persecution, and not by overwhelming evidence, is the party where Cristina victimizes herself.

Her strategy now points to the stardom of international ridicule: a few weeks ago, the Argentine government declared in Geneva that her human rights are violated.

In general, it is people who suffer violations of their human rights, not governments (much less those in power), but it is another sign of Argentina's exceptionality.

It is interesting that, even with his human rights violated, the Argentine government did not deprive itself of inviting Nicolás Maduro to Buenos Aires, to participate in CELAC.

Cristina must have a lot in common with the Venezuelan opponents imprisoned by her regime.

Investigated by the DEA for his links to drug trafficking, and in The Hague for crimes against humanity, Maduro suspended his trip to Buenos Aires.

The ban gives her a good excuse, however: Cristina's popularity has plummeted even in her beloved strongholds, according to polls.

The problem is that her defense is associated with a conspiracy theory that does not prosper.

Invited to Buenos Aires, Lula da Silva avoided the meeting with the vice president.

He doesn't get that photo either.

Lula is central to giving the epic and international edge to his domestic problems, which condenses his theory of


: that Lula was imprisoned, and later returned to power, is the confirmation of a conspiracy at the regional level of the imperialist right against the Latin American left.

Cristina should have been satisfied with a photo with the Colombian Petro.

Always a leader capable of weaving her populist coloratura arias with the mystique of the crowds, she finds herself a prisoner of her own dilapidated


, before an increasingly deserted audience.

Pola Oloixarac

is a writer.

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Source: elparis

All news articles on 2023-02-08

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