In the video: Netanyahu: I am against irresponsible incitement with the backing of the opposition leaders (Walla system!)
Next week, in the midst of the first votes in the Knesset on the first phase of the legal reform, with strikes, demonstrations and civil protests the likes of which the country has never known raging outside, Prime Minister Binyamin Netanyahu and opposition leader Yair Lapid are expected to meet for a security update meeting.
This will be the first time they will convene together Facing the other around the table in the prime minister's office, since they changed places in early January, for the security update required by law. On the third side, apparently, sat the military secretary Brigadier General Avi Gil, who was also present at the two update meetings of Netanyahu and Lapid in their previous hats during the election campaign.
On the table, the same issues: Iran, Gaza, the collapsing Palestinian Authority and the rising terrorism in the West Bank, maybe also a little Ukraine and Russia.
The update meeting between Netanyahu and Lapid in the previous term, August 7, 2022 (Photo: Government Press Office, Haim Tzach)
Only this time, more than ever, above all the external strategic threats hovers an internal danger burning and racing towards a collision.
The government's determination to promote the legal revolution in the face of growing resistance, bring political and social division and polarization to a peak that Israel has never seen before, even during five election cycles.
The coalition's run amok straight into the war of the authorities has sparked an unprecedented civil front, and despite the Bibist and Ben Gaviri attempt to label the protest as leftist-anarchist, it is only expanding to other groups and populations: securityists, Haitians, economists, lawyers, students, doctors and more and more are demanding that the government stop, Before it changes the system of the regime in Israel.
Along with the discourse on fratricidal war and civil strife, the violence and incitement on the networks is slowly spilling over into the streets.
And it seems that the Minister of National Security Itamar Ben Gabir is just waiting for opportunities to order the police to use more force and pour more fuel into the flames.
So, officially, the meeting between Netanyahu and Lapid is supposed to deal only with net security, but the deep internal crisis threatens our very existence no less, and certainly also pleases our enemy who is following closely.
More in Walla!
The coalition promotes: half a year in prison for immodest clothing or mixed prayer at the Western Wall
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The violence on the networks spills over into the streets.
Clashes between protesters and right-wing people, February 9, 2023 (Photo: Yanon Yatach)
In a utopian and imaginary world, one might expect that the Prime Minister and the Leader of the Opposition will be able to get more than another triangular picture out of the meeting.
That at some point Netanyahu and Lapid will ask the military secretary to leave to talk about the elephant in the room, and that at the end of the meeting they will come out with a joint call to calm the spirits, perhaps even a preliminary outline for talks on legal reform.
The outline is actually already at their disposal: President Yitzhak Herzog proposed to freeze the legislation for two weeks, during which significant negotiations will take place between the representatives of the coalition, the opposition and the judiciary.
If no compromise is reached within two weeks, the legislation will resume from that point.
Netanyahu said this week at the Likud faction meeting that Herzog's outline was handed directly to Justice Minister Yariv Levin, who had already publicly announced that there would be no freeze in promoting the reform, "not even for a minute."
Last week, the ombudsman informed Netanyahu that he was precluded from engaging in the legal revolution, due to his being accused of crimes, thus effectively removing his responsibility, and passing the reins into the hands of Levin and the chairman of the Constitutional Committee, Simcha Rothman, whose war on the justice system is even more extreme and aggressive.
So in reality, the chance that Netanyahu and Lapid will end the meeting with a historic compromise or at least a joint state declaration is low to zero.
The Prime Minister is indeed preoccupied, according to his associates, from the headlines erupting about companies and investors withdrawing their funds from Israel and the gloomy economic forecasts looking ahead, if the legal reform passes.
But not enough to quarrel with his immediate environment and partners, who are not willing to put up any stop sign.
If Netanyahu were alone in the world, it is possible that he would have already announced changes in the reform to soften the protest, reduce the increasing international pressure and calm the investment houses.
Threatens that if Netanyahu arrests him, he will resign.
Yariv Levin and the Prime Minister (Photo: Flash 90, Yonatan Zindel)
But he is not alone.
He is surrounded and dependent on partners who are determined, each for their own reasons, to lead a sharp and swift move against the justice system, who probably smell his concerns and dilemmas.
In Torah Judaism this week they sent a clear message that any principled and significant withdrawal from the reform will dismantle Netanyahu's government.
Shas chairman Aryeh Deri, who wants to quickly return to the government table, is pressuring Netanyahu and Levin to simultaneously promote Deri Law 2, which will prevent the High Court from interfering in ministerial appointments, and only exacerbates the raging war of authorities.
The storm that the Shas created yesterday with the law of modesty at the Western Wall, which marks another scene of imminent conflict between the government and the High Court, hurt Netanyahu in the soft underbelly of religion and state, and caused him great image damage.
Deri's law, which paints the ideological legal revolution of Levin and Rothman in bright colors of governmental corruption, does not give him much satisfaction either.
But he couldn't say no to him.
The same dynamic from the coalition negotiations continues even after the formation of the government: Netanyahu is managed and led by his coalition partners, and between Deri, Levin, Rothman, the ultra-Orthodox, the family and the Bayes - he has no real room to maneuver for compromise or flexibility.
At least not one that meets the other side's minimum.
The storm that the Shas created with the law of modesty at the Western Wall - an injury to the soft underbelly of religion and state (Photo: Flash 90, Hadas Proosh)
On the other side of the table, the leader of the opposition Lapid also does not really control his partners, who continue to conduct themselves as if they are still in the elections and devote a large part of their time to attacks against each other - and find it difficult to create a united political front against the reform.
The permanent MKs in the Constitutional Committee hearings, Gilad Karib, Orit Parkash, Yoav Seglovic and Karin Elharer, with the reinforcements of Gideon Sa'ar, Efrat Reiten and Yulia Malinovski, give the chairman of the committee Rotman Pate a well-deserved and well-coordinated support, but the fruitful cooperation usually ends in the lower courts.
Above, the leaders of the opposition speak in three languages: Lapid and Gantz, who expressed a willingness in principle to talk and talk about the reform in some outline, in the course of the familiar competition between them;
Merv Michaeli and Avigdor Lieberman, who attacked them harshly for this;
And the divided Arab voice of Ream and the joint, who are still busy debating who is responsible for the overthrow of the previous government instead of waking up Arab society together to the potential harm to its status and rights if the reform is realized.
Lapid also does not control or lead the wheels of the protest, which has much more militant spokespeople such as Ehud Barak and Bogi Ya'alon, who press not to compromise or negotiate under fire.
And as soon as the coalition drives the first pegs in the reform;
and pass the first changes in the committee for the selection of judges and the ability of the High Court to intervene in laws and basic laws, the small room for maneuver and compromise that exists in the opposition will disappear.
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Benjamin Netanyahu
Yair Lapid
The legal revolution
