The shielding of Cristina Kirchner, risk K by Elisa Carrió and the launch of Horacio Rodríguez Larreta

The opposition seeks to regain the initiative

and

Larreta

as a candidate add color to the last week of the summer.

The opposition will have to decide how it will respond to the aggressive agenda of the ruling party in the Impeachment Commission.

This venture is a maneuver by the

aimed at cornering an opposition that the polls show is the best profile for the October elections.

This aggressiveness completes a strategy of tweezers, along with the unity that Peronism exhibited at the Matheu summit.

These two points were part of the opposition dialogues in Jujuy and Córdoba.

They take away centrality from an opposition that has the favor of public opinion, but that must find

, diluted in the self-employment of the candidates of Together for Change.

They walk through the territories, like trade brokers,

.

They do not eat Peronism's votes, they dispute them with their own allies in what, Macri would say, is a

.

This inbred saga detracts from its strength, which is displaced by the stridency of the Peronist riots, as was the Matheu summit.

Court trial enters tumultuous stage

For this week "the voter" of the Impeachment Committee (16 votes against 15 for the opposition) plans to listen to the first witnesses.

How long will the opposition consent to participate in what it has described as a circus?

The process is going to enter into a

with the demand of the deputies of the ruling party to seize agendas, whats-apps, emails and other records of the private conduct of the courtiers and their friends, advisers and relatives, all without a prior judicial order.

In the legislative tradition there is that commission that in 1984 investigated the Italo case.

At that time, the court granted protection against the kidnapping of Guillermo Walter Klein's documentation that was in the Klein-Mairal studio.

They were hard times, where the water was still heated with bullets.

Like those who attacked the secretary of that commission, the Peronist Horacio Basualdo,

.

That commission, chaired by Guillermo Tello Rosas, one of the most remembered "Blacks" in the union, had ordered the arrest of José Martínez de Hoz.

The deputies had permission to carry weapons.

and save his skin.

Officialism risks a lot by citing Carrió

This reminiscence is just the tip of the iceberg of

, which forces the opposition to defend themselves because the Court is accused of favoring them.

But the 15 members of the opposition bench analyze to what extent it is convenient for them to follow the ruling party until a

, which is the file, because 2/3 of the votes are not there to start the process.

But the votes pass and the escraches remain.

Continuing in the Commission to resist is a defensive position, before an officialism that has the objective of delegitimizing the Justice.

For some opposition legislators, participation in the Commission is also a photo-opportunity and they get excited when the cameras come on.

.

Is it a circus?

We also have clowns, so why not take advantage of the lanterns?

In the pro-government bench they also analyze the advisability of firing dangerous fireworks and being at the mercy of the ingenuity of Rodolfo Tailhade and Leopoldo Moreau.

For example, having included Elisa Carrió in the list of witnesses to summon.

.

They believe that the anti-Lorenzetti position divides the rest of the opposition.

But they are challenging a

, which they would have been better off keeping off.

The participation in the Commission of the leader of the Civic Coalition as a witness can only bring more evil to the ruling party.

Did they forget that Lilita has activated a candidacy for president?

Cristina adds shields: now, the home

Time is the ultimate computer: politicians celebrate this motto before some ephemeris, such as reaching 70, for example.

Reaching that age -which Cristina de Kirchner turned this Sunday- frees the future for those who have concerns in the criminal justice system.

That birthday, which the vice president celebrates far from the minarets that cry out for her return, mixes a festive sense with a rogue look.

With the 70 the veteran of the compulsory vote is dispensed;

and to the prisoner

.

It is important to retain the date because it is part of the construction of the proscription: the discourse in which Christianity has embedded Peronism, with the sole purpose of retaining centrality.

, but she is the leader of an important faction, that of the province of Buenos Aires, the largest and the one that contributes the most votes to the basket.

That Peronism has volume with any candidate who presents, be it her or any other.

The elections are not decided by the candidates, they are decided by the voters and the parties in a collective phenomenon.

Faced with them,

, and not always the most important.

Carrió wants it not to be discretionary

When she turned 70,

.

She gives for irony, like when Elisa Carrió remembers that, in any case, if she is sentenced, she will be able to spend it in her house.

The head of the Coalition has moved before now that house arrest is not a discretionary grace of the judges, but a guarantee for those over 75, whatever the nature of the crime for which they were convicted.

He did it in 2017 in the context of the 2x1 debate

(Muiña Case).

He then submitted a bill awaiting treatment.

The domiciliary is not a novelty of these times.

The Penal Code of 1886 (the so-called Weaver Code), already provided for in art.

70°, that "those sentenced to arrest will be put in jail, police or security guard, and honest women, elderly or valetudinary people can be arrested in their own homes."

The standard was rounded off in the Menem years, under the ministry of Rodolfo Barra (1996).

And the bust of Menem for when?

With the fueros + domiciliary combo,

.

Also the computer of time adds a relief to the fantasy of the ban.

The sentence that she received in the Highway case contains an inhibition to hold public office, but it does not apply until it is final, that is, until the Court confirms it or sends it to be reviewed.

The leadership that signed the proscription cantata at the Matheu summit knows this well.

To justify itself, the ruling party circulates the presumption that the lawfare Justice would advance this confirmation of the sentence, to intercept a candidacy.

It is true that the Cassation could confirm the sentence and order Cristina's detention until the Court provides final firmness.

.

But it is unthinkable that the Cassation forces her to wait for the Court's decision while she is in custody, even in her house.

She would add more gasoline to the fire.

Time makes this debate abstract again.

The Court in a case like this would take between 2 and 3 years to resolve it.

: without final sentence until the end.

And speaking of endings, Miguel Pichetto has demanded that the government install the bust of the man from La Rioja in the Casa Rosada, even though he is absent from that gallery, where Isabel Perón, Fernando De la Rúa, Eduardo Duhalde and Cristina herself do not appear either.

We will always have Gualeguaychú

The radical spinel that Larreta runs through completed it this Sunday, after the carnival with Gerardo Morales in Jujuy, visiting several stations of the Cordovan ordeal, accompanied by former deputy Carmen Polledo, her partner Milagros Maylin, and her cultural minister Enrique Avogadro, who He disputes the nickname of "Harry Potter" with Vidal's side, lawmaker Dario Nieto, another copy of the Hogwarts College graduate.

First he was at Mario Negri's house, after he had replaced the

they gave him ten days ago.

He forces him to follow everything he controls from his house.

Later,

-who is not a radical, of course-.

The Radicals are a party that survives because it has organization and approves its electoral commitments in its conventions.

The one from Gualeguaychú resolved the strategy that allowed Cambiemos to win the 2015 elections.

That convention met on March 14 and 15 of that year, and the majority of the delegates approved an alliance format designed by Ernesto Sanz, Elisa Carrió and Mauricio Macri, which left out an alliance

.

The motion, led by Sanz, won by 188 to 114 votes.

The strategy of leaving out massismo responded to the intention of forcing it to play loose, so that it would get votes from the PJ and its allies.

Time showed that the motion was the most successful.

A coalition is not the same as a front

The difference with 2023 is that

.

The unity shown by the summit of Peronism is the main threat to the opposition coalition.

Those who see the ruling party as a coalition are confused.

The Frente de Todos is what its name says, a front as other acronyms that Peronism put together in the past have been.

JxC is an electoral coalition

that protects the parties that make it up at all levels.

, which is the PJ and its allies,

, except for maintaining the unity that allowed them to win in 2019. But for the rest, the tribes and chieftains that make it up have divergent objectives, ideologies, origins, and purposes. .

They are defined by the euphemism "unity in diversity".

But it is not a motto that is very useful for politics,

, trades in which it is possible to separate family members from loved ones.

In politics that is impossible.

Together for Change has a more tenuous diversity, the leaders have differences in style and use different media tactics.

But they do not disagree on the agenda, which is clear to the parties that make it up, and they have a clear societal affection.

Its electorate reflects this, which

, where it always wins in the president category- -it can only lose in the province of Buenos Aires and Tucumán.

That adherence grows from election to election.

They insist on negotiated lists to legislators

Today, the opposition coalition seeks to reset, under new lights and circumstances,

.

It consists of advancing in the negotiation of the lists of candidates for national legislators, and that these lists lead whoever they want in the category of president and vice.

It is

.

It remains to add to the orthodox macrismo to achieve what they had in 2015.

At that convention, the UCR approved leaving Massa out and recognizing the UCR as a full member of the Cambiemos coalition.

It was to reach a STEP that would show that

against the Peronist formula (Scioli-Zannini).

Also that convention, in art.

2° of the resolution that it approved, recognized the federal nature of the party, and authorized the UCR to admit and contain, in provinces and municipalities, "local realities".

This allowed radicalism (which had marginalized massismo from the presidential dispute) to be an ally, for example, of Cornejo in Mendoza or Morales in Jujuy.

.

It cost a lot.

Very much.

The PRO did not want to give up his width of swords, which was Macri.

He wanted only his own in each province to be able to carry it.

And that the radicals could only take him to Sanz or Carrió.

Obviously Sanz opposed it, at the risk of getting the 4% he got in the STEP, but the objective was another.

It was to achieve that, having fixed legislators, the radical governors and mayors could grow.

.

From there, the growth of the UCR since the 2001 crisis can be verified. Only in the province of Buenos Aires did they go from having 12 mayors to having 38.

Macri reappears

This week

.

As if some formalization were needed, his advisers are discussing the form and timing of this launch, which the head of government wants to be between Wednesday and Friday.

Regarding the format, there are theological-pastoral discussions about whether to use a newsletter, a tweet, a photo-caption, a press conference, a show on friendly cable TV, etc.

Enough of transcended and

.

Wednesday

, with Mauricio Macri in Buenos Aires and waving from the balcony.

Thursday is goat day, because there is a session of the Impeachment Committee in Deputies, and the Senate holds a preparatory session for the election of authorities followed, if possible, by a session with tame issues.

This distracts the public's attention.

There may be a reappearance of Cristina in the Senate

and it is already known that the militant press of the ruling party is fighting with the militant opposition press over who gives the vice president the most bill.

Some, to exalt and magnify her role above the one she has, display her as a magical candidate, as if her mere presence were a guarantee of success.

Difficult: she is the head of only a fraction of Peronism and her figure has very high negative marks.

The opposition militants, with Tumbera fascination, exalt her because they believe that, if they raise her high enough, they make her vulnerable in the opposition vote.

Movilero fantasies, who

, that the large electoral blocs remain stable from election to election, and that the key is simple: the one who is divided loses, in the Argentina of the 45% ballot .

The rest is literature inspired by the electoral realities of other countries, where institutions such as voluntary voting or habits such as the

govern , which around here are morons that never flourish.

look too

Alert for the Frente de Todos: a new survey shows them tied with the libertarians of Javier Milei

Midnight tension: Cristina Kirchner's move that cornered Alberto Fernández and a bad omen