The President could write a great political bestseller explaining how to raffle off 80 percent approval and still run for reelection.
Fernández has shown that
he has a high opinion of himself,
although the facts on which that belief should be based refute it in a sudden way.
That arrogance is not exclusive to Fernández but is well rooted in the exclusive apex of the ruling party.
The decline is evident
.
The fracture in the Senate, dominated by Cristina, made Peronism lose the undefeated position in the Senate since 1983.
Another sign and another symptom of the syndrome of weakness that overwhelms the Front of All.
Who will not remember those public health master classes led by Alberto Fernández, with Horacio Rodríguez Larreta on his right and Axel Kicillof on his left (details studied by the "communication team" that no politician can do without)?
Today, that pandemic trio is still in the foreground, but in very different situations, although the three, each in their own way, sign up or sign up, which is not the same, for a presidential candidacy.
Fernández continues to raise his accusing finger, doling out blame and promises
.
This, despite the fact that his teaching on social behavior and health prophylaxis, was definitely crushed with the
well-known festivities in Olivos
, in full, extensive quarantine of the government of scientists.
His postulation can only be explained by maintaining a certain expectation because if he did not insist,
his authority would amount to almost a space vacuum.
Or simply because of the default of other potential candidates, he would be left alone to defend the currency.
It is more than possible that that image success triggered in Kirchnerism the worst strokes of envy and fear of an independent and unstoppable Fernández with that record of social approval.
A Buenos Aires police problem ended the trio, whose origin can now be suspected and a lot.
By her own impulse or the push of others, read Cristina Kirchner, or whatever,
from one day to the next Fernández cut off food from the co-participation
to the until then partner in the trio: the Buenos Aires mayor Larreta.
The beneficiary was the other member of the trio, Kicillof.
The hand in the pocket of the City had been preceded by that famous speech by Cristina about the opulence of Buenos Aires.
She was speaking from La Matanza - a district that has dominated Peronism in all its variants since 1983 - someone who lived on the exclusive corner of Uruguay and Juncal.
Perhaps at that time the governor dreamed that Cristina's sacred finger would point him as Fernández's replacement in Don Bernardino Rivadavia's chair.
It must be remembered that
Kicillof used to speak in those quarantines more than Fernández himself
, who listened impassively to his student nonsense.
The governor offered his apparent reassuring wisdom to a society scared to death, with disease and death all around.
In a magisterial tone, he even explained why it was not necessary to teach, although certain indications were already appearing that the rope could be loosened with education, as is reflected today in the figures of the tremendous educational crisis that yesterday was in charge of warning in these pages Jorge Lanata.
Who takes care of that other deficit?
Today Kicillof trembles if that secret wish is fulfilled.
It is not that he intends to erase himself;
He simply believes it is more possible to repeat the Buenos Aires governorship and that
someone else take charge of the general disaster.
He resists but he knows that if Cristina asks him to, he will have to assume going to the electoral scaffold to retain the Kirchnerist vote.
At the time of withdrawal, the interest of the faction outweighs any other objective.
If so, Martín Insaurralde will try to be governor.
Fernández, but not only him, but Larreta as well, must on sleepless nights remember those good old days, those of "my friend Horacio", who gave the radical wing of the Frente de Todos and the macrismo cerril indigestion.
It is not the only thing that Fernández has to regret, because while he enjoyed the evanescent sensation of popularity, without consulting the Peronist governor of Santa Fe,
he took to nationalizing Vicentin, blundering fiercely.
He believed that the people would acclaim him, as he later confessed, but it was the popular reaction that forced him to back off.
That, although her vice commissioned the always well-disposed senator Fernández Sagasti from Mendoza, to push the statist initiative, because Cristina not only has the judges between her eyebrows, but also the field, although not everything or much stopped voting for his dolphin Fernández in 2019. Are they things of the past?
No. They are still valid.
The volatile polls, in any case, are stubborn in something:
nothing would go well for any of the multiplied aspiring candidates for the alliance of All.
Fernández Sagasti, who pushed that failed expropriation, Cristina's alter ego, sounds in all cases as a member of one of the officialism's formulas for the PASO.
There they are written down from Capitanich to Scioli, passing through the bizarre Grabois.
massa?
Inflation in February will punish him again.
There are already advances: Córdoba, 7.2;
Santa Fe, 6.3... The minister will not be able to escape from that reality nor from the political spending requirements that his partners make him.
And Larreta?
He intends to do a miracle: to make the crack disappear, today in Argentina, an adventure that is considered a superior task.
Ordering the economy in such a way that inflation is displaced by stability and stagnation to return to growth as the country once grew would bring concrete political results that would help to consolidate a project that helps cushion the antinomy.
The most laudable political statements need facts to confirm them
.
How difficult it will be that, even in the high fiction of political discourse, the newly launched immediately had to say: with Kirchnerism, no.
The head of government is not a charismatic leader nor will he be one in the traditional sense of the term;
he is committed to management.
He can become a surfer or try to learn other skills, but what political marketing will not do is
show what Larreta is not.
Macri tried to spoil the party by appearing in a photo with María Eugenia Vidal, then celebrated the internal competition by talking about Larreta's launch and appeared with Patricia Bullrich, playing to be the toughest of the tough, believing in this way to interpret what society demands .
Vidal, on the other hand, navigates in ambiguity.
The former governor has not found her place since she was exiled from the province,
except for these obvious political games in which she is not favored by those vicissitudes.
The election season has begun.