The terrible murder in Hawara is a fault line. Beyond the identification with the family that lost two sons in one moment, and the feeling of frustration with the lax response of the security system, it seems that solidarity has also been broken. Two poles that pull each other in a different direction, without being able to communicate: those who wanted to engage in mourning, sorrow and destruction and claim a strong hand, against others who preferred to divert the issue as much as possible from the agenda and deal mainly with the Jewish rioters, and then return to deal with legal reform and demonstrations as quickly as possible.
The demonstrations are also becoming more extreme.
While most politicians on the right condemned, or at the very least disavowed, the burning of vehicles in Hawara, the violence of the demonstrators on Wednesday in the center of Tel Aviv was met with complete support from the politicians on the left.
And if this is the trend - it seems that this is only the beginning.
While Tel Aviv was burning and parts of the coalition were threatening withdrawal and boycotts, Binyamin Netanyahu sat in his seat in the Knesset plenum with a calm expression on his face.
Despite the threats, no one really has anywhere to go.
All the crises have been resolved or will be resolved soon, and the coalition will continue for many more years together.
64 MKs that form one fist. Not always everyone agrees, but on the main things everyone works together.
Therefore, he said to those who said, the legal reform will not stop.
The legislation will progress to the end, until the third reading, and will enter the law book of the State of Israel.
The opposition, according to the Prime Minister, is making a mistake in reading the map.
Its members think that the coalition would prefer negotiations in order to get some kind of recognition from them - or to calm the markets and investors, or even just to calm some Knesset members from the Likud.
But in his opinion they are wrong.
The legislation will not be stopped, and whether there will be negotiations or not - it will be completed.
Despite the attempts to create a sense of chaos, as if everything is falling apart in his hands and there is a general loss of control over what is happening, Netanyahu does not get excited and does not blink.
The reform is progressing according to the plan.
Those who spoke with him had the impression that the Prime Minister was determined to complete Begin's transformation from '77.
So, in the days of Begin, and then in the days of Shamir and even in the days of Netanyahu himself, the right was not yet ripe.
Recognition from the left was required to lead big moves.
But now, as he understands, the right is fully mature.
And that's where Netanyahu takes it.
And in general, he does not believe that it is possible to talk with the anarchists and their representatives in the Knesset.
After all, it is not the reform that interests them, according to him, but the opposition to the government.
That is why they demand to stop the legislation.
And that is why the legislation will continue.
According to him, after the elections there was a lot of talk about the fact that Netanyahu would like to dedicate this term to the legacy he will leave behind.
Engage more in events of historical scale to remember a leader who left a mark in the nation's history.
But they missed the point.
In order to leave a legacy, Netanyahu will not go for peace, political negotiations or concessions on the Land of Israel as they thought.
His legacy will be legal reform.
The recognition that even the right can rule without spare wheels.
a matter of perspective
And Netanyahu's legacy has another role to play in this week's political events.
After the attack in Hawara, the fundamental differences between the two parts of the government sharpened again: Netanyahu and Gallant on one side, Ben Gabir and Smotrich on the other.
The former has set two main strategic goals for itself - the war with Iran and peace with Saudi Arabia - and the entire decision-making system that the two make on security and political issues is subject to these goals, whether they advance them or distance them.
If a harsh response against Hamas in Gaza for firing missiles into Ashkelon will distance Saudi Arabia from a normalization agreement with Israel - it will not happen.
If Israel wants to do something that will lead to the cessation of American cooperation in the matter of Iran - one of them must be ignored.
On the other side, Smotrich and Ben Gvir stand.
They share Netanyahu's strategic goals, but believe that there are other goals that are no less critical, such as maintaining the personal security of the residents of Israel.
This is Ben Gvir's core promise from the elections.
For them it is not possible that Jews will be murdered and the army will not respond forcefully.
They are also not ready to hear about summaries to delay construction in YOSH in order to please the Americans or to promote peace with the Saudis. This is what their voters expect from them - to deal with terrorism and build YOSH with a heavy hand.
It is impossible to sacrifice everything on the altar of Iran and Saudi Arabia.
Netanyahu knows these approaches, and therefore separates them in decision-making.
It didn't go well.
Ben Gvir went to Netanyahu after the attack and made it clear to him that the situation would not continue like this.
that there is no government without his opinion being heard.
At the meeting, he told Netanyahu that for him the situation in which the government, in which he is a senior partner, makes international decisions at the conference in Aqaba, and he only hears about them from the media and in retrospect, is unacceptable to him.
In the background of the meeting, publications began that Nathan Eshel, an associate of Netanyahu, asked journalists to flood the option of the alternative government, with the state camp instead of Otzma Yehudit.
Ben Gvir was not impressed.
For him, he has nothing to look for in a government that does not change the security paradigm.
Whether it was an exercise by Netanyahu to pressure him or not - he conveyed this message to the Prime Minister in their meeting.
Just like the three judges who come to the judicial appointment committee when they are coordinated and know in advance exactly who they want and who they disqualify, and there are never any disputes between them and they are always of one piece, so come to the cabinet meetings and the professional assessments of the situation the Chief of Staff, the head of the Shin Bet and the head of the Security Council. They are always coordinated, think the same and recommend the same. No other opinions come between them.
Minister of Education Yoav Kish, photo: Naama Stern
This is an abnormal situation, Ben Gabir told Netanyahu.
We, the political echelon, need to hear a variety of opinions and several different courses of action before we make a decision.
Ben Gabir demanded that his voice be heard and considered in these discussions, even if he is not aligned with the top of the security establishment.
The meeting was on Monday.
On Wednesday, Netanyahu already called Ben Gabir for a consultation and a security update.
Whether this arrangement between them will continue or not - only time will tell.
Not everyone thinks like Netanyahu.
In recent days, Minister of Education Yoav Kish has been walking around with a full stomach.
In his opinion, the business is not being run properly.
He supports the reform, but is worried about its consequences for Israeli society.
Quiche goes around with a full stomach.
In his opinion, the dialogue is really necessary, even at the price of pausing the legislation for a few days to bring the other side to the table.
This week he went to the Knesset and met with everyone who was willing to talk to him
In his opinion, the social crisis will only get worse over time, not the other way around.
Contrary to the opinion that holds that after the reform is finally approved and becomes a fait accompli, the public and media engagement with it will decrease over time, he believes that it will only increase.
That the protesters, the media and the opposition will give Esther Hayut tremendous leverage to interfere in the legislation and invalidate it, which will lead to a constitutional crisis the likes of which the country has never known.
In Kish's opinion, dialogue is really necessary, even at the cost of pausing the legislation for a few days to bring the other side to the table.
He doesn't care if they say that the Likud has surrendered again and that the anarchists from Kaplan Street have won.
This week he went to the Knesset and met with everyone who was willing to talk to him.
Constantly approached members of the opposition and urged them to calm down and enter into a dialogue.
But the cracks in the coalition turned into a multi-faceted event this week, with the resignation of Avi Maoz from the government and the threats of Meir Proosh to remove the responsibility granted to him in the coalition agreements, but not in practice, for the Miron events.
Coalition firefighting
On Friday a week ago, the state budget was approved.
According to the agreement, Deputy Minister Uri Makalev of Torah Judaism sits in government meetings, is allowed to speak in them, but as a non-minister he does not have the right to vote.
He also arrived at the government meeting regarding the budget, but already in the first review of the treasury he discovered that large sums promised to Torah Judaism in the coalition agreements do not appear in the new budget.
When he asked the representatives of the Treasury to resolve the matter, he did not receive a clear answer.
These are budgets that Torah Judaism sees as the core of the commitments: the budget that Netanyahu promised on the eve of the elections to keep Torah Judaism united, to continue funding ultra-orthodox educational institutions even without core studies, as well as the changes in the public transportation system - a move they were promised would not be promoted, but appeared in the finance plan as presented to the ministers.
When he saw that there was no proper response to his name from the representatives of the Treasury, Makleb contacted Netanyahu's people about the matter, but he did not get a response from them either.
The state budget was approved without the budgets in question.
On Sunday, the first bomb was placed on Netanyahu's head: a huge article in the party newspaper "Yad Neman" with a direct attack against him.
It was the first time that the Prime Minister's office realized that something was going wrong.
Netanyahu spoke with Makleb and Gafni and promised them to address the issue.
On Monday, the Torah Judaism faction met and decided that until the issue is addressed, Taharim will drive the Knesset plenary.
This was the second bomb that was dropped on the Prime Minister's head.
The fear that many members of the coalition - Otzma Yehudit, which announced that they would compete against the background of the attack, and now Torah Judaism - would be absent from the 40-signature speech led to a series of phone calls from Netanyahu's office to the offices of the ultra-Orthodox MKs, begging them to come to the plenum with a commitment to promote an immediate meeting on the issue. The MKs agreed and came to the plenum .
The next day, Tuesday, the meeting took place.
Netanyahu and his office officials were present, along with Gafni and Makleb.
A separate meeting was held with Goldknopf and another with Prosh.
Netanyahu promised to take care of them personally and update them within 24 hours.
Meanwhile, the opposition began to attack Netanyahu for encouraging ultra-Orthodox students to study without majors.
"The government's decision to transfer 2.5 billion shekels to the exempt institutions that do not teach the core, seriously harms the Israeli economy," tweeted Avigdor Lieberman.
Others have said similar things.
And in general, a consciousness was established according to which the key to economic success lies in the core studies.
The question is whether this consciousness is even true.
Between the sacred and the profane
These days, an affair is taking place in New York that is stirring up the Jewish community there.
Following an appeal by progressive Jewish organizations, the state of New York decided to stop funding educational institutions in its field that would not teach sand studies.
It is understood that the decision provoked great opposition in the ultra-Orthodox groups, who decided to unite to cancel the evil of the decree.
At the first yeshiva, there were those who had to rub their eyes to make sure they weren't dreaming: in one room sat representatives of Hasids, Lithuanians, Satmar, Chabad, groups that had never sat together, and now they are all united. Those who volunteered to finance the expensive legal campaign are generally the heads of the communities The evangelical women, who believe in freedom of religion and therefore volunteered to go with the ultra-Orthodox Jews to the campaign.
After a brief review we learned that in fact all over the state of New York, from Brooklyn and Muncie to Rochester, in all ultra-Orthodox institutions, some extracurriculars such as math and English are taught, except for two Chav yeshiva d in the Crown Heights neighborhood in Brooklyn.
The leaders of the ultra-Orthodox community were amazed.
After all, of all the Orthodox sects, Chabad is considered the most open. The Chabadniks in New York can be seen everywhere - in business, real estate, law and hospitals. Even pilots in the American airlines. The lawyer hired on behalf of the evangelicals expressed his surprise and asked the representatives Chabad at the meeting: Of the entire ultra-Orthodox world, you are the ones who integrate into the world of employment everywhere - do you have no core at all?
Yes, they answered him, that's what the Lubavitcher Rebbe taught us.
If the state does not cancel the decision, and it seems that this is indeed the direction, a petition will be submitted to the Federal Supreme Court for violation of human rights due to his religious belief.
The lawyers have already informed the Chabad representatives that they will be the first to appear on the stand in court.
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