The last week the Government and the official coalition seemed to have submerged, without help, in a
self-destructive process
.
Alberto Fernández's bizarre speech in Congress revealed the abyss that exists between the reported management and the suffering of society.
By averaging his lengthy monologue, he boasted that the world is waiting for the energy that Argentina will be able to provide.
Three hours later, half the country was left in the dark due to a blackout.
It could have been a fatality.
It could have been sabotage.
Still not known.
In any case,
the structural indigence of the country shines through.
That self-destructive tour recognized another couple of stations.
The parliamentary staging only deepened the crisis between the President and Kirchnerism.
Especially with Cristina Fernández.
The relationship between the Executive Power and the Judiciary also slipped to a point of no return.
“The teacher (by Alberto) crossed all limits.
He is out of focus ”, Horacio Rosatti, Carlos Rosenkrantz, who listened undauntedly in Deputies to Alberto's attacks, with Ricardo Lorenzetti and Juan Carlos Maqueda, agreed in a conclave.
The body repeated the testimonial strategy of Cristina's times of fury (2012-15): at that time the representation was assumed by Lorenzetti and Elena Highton.
The Court intends to continue making its silence and its rulings the only road map.
It would not be worth dwelling on the
contemptuous gestures
that the vice president gave Alberto.
There were much more powerful signals that open up a serious question about the possibility of the Frente de Todos reaching October in unity.
Máximo Kirchner left his bench empty to attend a meeting at a retirement center in La Matanza.
Axel Kicillof had guaranteed attendance.
A school act in Buenos Aires ended up delaying him.
Nor were they the only absences.
Only five PJ governors accompanied Alberto's last speech.
The sixth was Horacio Rodríguez Larreta, the head of the City.
Kirchnerism, that is, Cristina, was left at the end of that work with a terrible feeling.
Because Alberto's arrogant closure that broke the siesta of the compound, when he criticized the Court and ignored the City's right to co-participation, left previous notes in oblivion.
The President praised his moderation as a counterpoint to Kirchnerism to underline presumed management achievements.
Among them, the agreement with the International Monetary Fund (IMF).
Starting point of the divorce in the Front of All.
Nor did it sound by chance that the most extensive developments dedicated to his administration, in addition to the specific greeting to Sergio Massa, have involved ministers who respond to him politically.
She was seen exulting in Carla Vizzotti over the alleged success of pandemic vaccines and the decline in infant mortality.
She calmed down Matías Lammens when Alberto fell into the commonplace of associating the summer season with social prosperity.
He satisfied Daniel Filmus for the alleged advances in Science and Technology research.
Aníbal Fernández knew that he could not wait long.
He is in charge of the Ministry of Security.
Alberto made up for it by absurdly dumping blame on the Supreme Court for out-of-control drug trafficking in Rosario.
The shooting against a business belonging to the in-laws of Lionel Messi accentuated the error and its ridicule.
All of these, according to the interpretation of the Instituto Patria, would be signs that the President maintains his re-election project.
It sounds amazing, but it is so.
Cristina is experiencing it as an intolerable challenge after an email, suggestion or ultimatum that she sent her through Eduardo De Pedro.
The Minister of the Interior whitewashed that Kirchnerism will not participate in any STEP if the President supports his nomination.
That will imply a break.
Could it be the last milestone of the presidential resistance?
Alberto, his little group and a small batch of governors who still talk with him are convinced of something.
Kirchnerism does not want an electoral competition prior to October.
In any case, carry out the internships with a unique formula blessed by Cristina.
"The boss already has a fractured finger," ironized one of the leaders.
He alluded to the failures with Amado Boudou, with Carlos Zannini and with Aníbal in Buenos Aires.
He also computes Alberto.
He can't say because he still frequents the Casa Rosada.
The dilemmas for the President multiply.
Will he be able to maintain his candidacy if Cristina decides to return to the fight?
Even if she is her as a senator for Buenos Aires?
That possibility will fly over the plenary session on Saturday the 11th that Kirchnerism will hold against the "proscription."
Alberto called it disqualification, which, strictly speaking, does not mean the same thing.
Kirchnerism underlined that word.
The debate takes place while the ruling coalition is in a state of anarchy
.
It does not seem entirely clear whether such disorder explains everything.
Incompetence also prevails.
Even in matters that are not major.
On Wednesday, before the presidential message, the former heads of the Chamber of Deputies were summoned at 9:30 in the Hall of Honor of Congress.
They were to be recognized with the delivery of an allegorical tray.
Deputy Emilio Monzó, chief during the macrismo, showed up on time.
He waited an hour for the arrival of a colleague.
He asked about Cecilia Moreau, the current owner.
She was told that she was putting on makeup for the session.
He was invited with a glass of water and an hour later he retired to his office.
He was summoned again at 11:30.
When he came down he met the members of the Cabinet.
Cristina arrived, Alberto arrived and in a flock they withdrew towards the enclosure.
Those trays were abandoned on a table.
Monzó and Leopoldo Moreau (another of the alleged honorees) had to occupy the benches.
Julián Domínguez and Eduardo Camaño appeared in a box with Sergio Massa.
Snapshot of official reality.
That climate, perhaps, was also decisive for certain of Alberto's statements that were difficult to understand.
Amidst a tide of criticism, he accused the Supreme Court of "having assaulted" the Judicial Council.
Where judges are appointed and dismissed.
The highest Court declared in December 2021 the unconstitutionality of the body reset in 2006 according to a project by Senator Cristina.
Speaking of alleged assaults, it would be worth reviewing.
That year, asserting supremacy in Congress and, above all, opposition weakness, Kirchnerism reduced the number of members of the Magistracy from 20 to 13.
The conformation was established with 3 representatives of the Judicial Power, 6 of the Legislative Power, 2 of the lawyers, 1 of the Executive Power and another from the scientific and academic field.
It was also resolved that the quorum to meet would be 7 members.
Clear advantage for delegates from the political arena.
They were many years, especially until 2015, in which Kirchnerism imposed its candidates for Justice.
He appointed 60% of the magistrates, some of whom are now involved in corruption cases against the vice president.
The President took hold of that modification that has paralyzed the Magistracy to link the responsibilities of the Court with the drug trafficking that punishes Rosario.
It would also be necessary to look at Congress: the deputies of Governor Omar Perotti presented a project to expand the structure of the Federal Justice in Santa Fe. The courts are the same as 40 years ago.
The problems are other and much more serious.
The official agenda does not accommodate these issues.
Focusing on a single issue prevents understanding the dimension of the problem.
The axes are multiple, core and cross the State and institutions vertically.
Perotti already had 10 police chiefs who did not improve anything.
The force is sterile.
Rosario's mayor, Pablo Javkin, undresses him when he affirms that there is never a confrontation or a persecution when the drug traffickers perpetrate their attacks.
He sounds like a conniving passivity.
Federal prisons
function as a laboratory for drug traffickers
to devise their actions.
Two years ago Perotti and Javkin denounced this situation.
The Federal Penitentiary Service (SPF) depends on the Ministry of Justice of the Nation.
And it is in charge of the former judge, of Legitimate Justice, Laura Garrigós.
Only on Friday were the first raids carried out in prisons.
A panning of politics allows us to understand other things.
The provincial constitution grants legislators immunity from arrest and prosecution.
They cannot even be summoned to testify.
The case of Senator Armando Traferri is emblematic.
He was the creator of the political scheme that allowed Perotti to win the elections.
He installed former judge Alejandra Rodenas as lieutenant governor.
Woman who, before jumping into politics, knew how to shelter Newell's bars and close cases in favor of police officers in the San Lorenzo area, the payment of Traferri.
The senator was involved in a case for clandestine gambling, not separated from the Los Monos drug gang, which fell out of favor.
A lower court judge ruled against extraordinary parliamentary immunity.
The Supreme Court of Santa Fe, with five of the six votes (the exception was Daniel Erbetta), revoked that possibility.
Everything continues as it was.
The shooting against the business of Messi's political family removed the local and international hornet's nest.
He increased the visibility of an extremely serious problem.
Many of his reasons are plain to see.
The inexperience or complicity of the Government would not let them see it.