Gilles-William Goldnadel is a lawyer and essayist. Every week, he deciphers the news for FigaroVox.
The author of this article has never voted for Emmanuel Macron.
He only has a very limited sympathy for the government led by Elisabeth Borne.
He is only more at ease to say how much the allegedly revolutionary exactions and curses of the last few days have revolted him.
I come to say here that 49.3 seems to be an evil sign, a pretext for a psychodrama and an ideological diversion.
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Let's start with the psychodrama.
Admittedly, this government will have demonstrated an incredible awkwardness: to begin before any negotiation with unilateral concessions so as to no longer have to concede anything and thus appear intransigent.
Proclaim urbi et orbi that everything, absolutely everything, will be done to avoid having recourse to 49.3 - thus presented as a terrible disease or infamy - then surprise your world... with a 49.3.
This firmly posed, clumsiness is not infamy and 49.3 is not a shameful disease.
Paragraph 3 of article 49 of the French Constitution allows the Prime Minister “to engage the responsibility of the government before the National Assembly” on the vote of certain texts.
It was used a hundred times under the Fifth Republic, including 28 times by the socialist Michel Rocard, who did not leave the image of a terrible dictator.
It is difficult to accept lessons in democratic legitimacy from the worst enemies of democracy.
Gilles-William Goldnadel
This is why this recourse to the hated figure which has - literally - set fire to the powder, is only a rather crude psychodramatic pretext which the far left has seized upon to attempt yet another insurrectional experiment.
The saddest thing is the comprehensive media coverage it has benefited from.
Thus the demonstrations prohibited because unauthorized and how violent were presented more kindly as
“spontaneous”
.
Thus again, and in particular on the public service audiovisual channels, calls for violence were relayed without any particular state of mind.
It is thus, as a simple example, that at 10 a.m., this Sunday, March 19, the France Inter Twitter account relayed this explicit call to violence from a demonstrator:
"Come on, let's break everything!"
.
As a lawyer, I am religiously committed to the respect of legality.
Not out of formalistic fetishistic legalism but more deeply, out of what I know, deep in my soul, that the law is the last bulwark against barbarism.
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An objective and hard rampart.
Against the subjective recourse to the soft notion of democratic legitimacy.
The reality, more thankless, indeed obliges us to observe that the most determined adversaries of the current power note with intoxication the weakness of the rampart resulting from the awkwardness of those supposed to defend it.
But it is difficult to accept lessons in democratic legitimacy from the worst enemies of democracy.
Whether they are politicians or trade unionists.
Difficult to receive from rebellious France, admirer of Castro, Chavez or Maduro and which commits itself each session in the Assembly in vociferations which had the insignia merit of discrediting it.
It is also difficult to receive from certain unions that a media benevolence of ideological source protects unjustly as much as excessively.
The dominant ideology has once again succeeded in a fantastic diversion: to subordinate the societal to the economic.
Gilles-William Goldnadel
The illegal blockades and pickets, particularly in refineries, the punitive strikes by monopolistic public transport unknown abroad, the fact that the garbage collectors' strike was carried out by a minority, the power cuts targeted at political adversaries are not very convincing demonstrations of democratic legitimacy.
It will be noted, incidentally, that most of the aforementioned blocking officials retire at 57 years of age.
And that, by a strange paradox, it is the beneficiaries of special regimes that the promoters of the reform have not dared to touch who are at the forefront of the fight.
To wonder if, once again, weakness was not worth unconscious encouragement...
To come back to the democratic spirit of certain union leaders, the indulgence of the critical spirit of media observers could leave those who have not resigned themselves to it speechless.
Thus, it would be good to know better the candidate for the succession of Philippe Martinez, Olivier Mateu, responsible for the CGT of Bouches-du-Rhône.
This one affirms
“not to spit on the period when Russia and the USSR claimed socialism”
.
On the other hand, he spits on
“the fascist practices of the Ukrainian government which is a puppet of the United States and NATO”
.
Sebastien Menesplier, secretary of the CGT Mines-Energies federation, is in a strategic position.
He does not sulk his power of nuisance.
Particularly with regard to political leaders:
"We are going to see them in their offices, we are going to talk to them, and then if by chance they do not understand the world of work, we will target them in the cuts that we will know how to organise
.
These threats, which a mournful soul would swear came out of a Scorsese or Coppola film, were carried out.
Especially against Bruno Retailleau.
Beyond this psychodrama overplayed by the extreme left with the active collaboration of certain media, I would like to show that, at an even deeper level of the political unconscious, the dominant ideology has once again succeeded in a fantastic diversion : subordinate the societal to the economic.
Once again, the strike force of the unions and the media of the extreme left has succeeded, through psychodrama, in turning a relatively subordinate economic subject into a primordial event.
Gilles-William Goldnadel
Proponents of "democratic legitimacy" which would be imposed on parliamentary legality put forward the majority of French people consulted who would oppose the reform, which was violently contested even in the streets.
But in the light of this government of polls, family reunification of foreigners would have long been obsolete...
I thus come to another observation: once again, the union and media strike force of the extreme left has succeeded through psychodrama in making a relatively subordinate economic subject, in fact, a primordial event.
A societal problem, in reality existential in terms of security and identity, embodying an essential concern of the French people is therefore likely to take second place once again.
It is indeed in this context of the ideological subordination of the societal to the economic that this Sunday, March 19,
Le Monde
published a chronicle relating to the bill on immigration which should be examined in the Senate at the end of the month. .
This one is titled:
"After the shock of 49-3, is it reasonable to add the red rag of immigration?".
After the psychodrama, the diversion.
