The natural inclination, at least the journalistic one, is to look for the most important or noisy news or mess.
But it can be a dangerous detour: what is important is not a certain noise but the sum of them.
Although what The Little Prince warned can always happen, that what is essential is usually invisible to the eyes.
What is essential here is the persistence of
a crisis that extends in space and extends in time.
Let's review, even partially: economic uncertainty that scares, political crack in the government itself,
repetition of shows that do not deceive or lead anywhere, and almost inexplicable little miseries.
Massa promised a lot and achieved little.
Worse: he has achieved much of the opposite of what he promised, such as stability.
Inflation does not subside, it flies.
The dollars go and go, the Central is left scratching reserves at the bottom of the pot and
the ghost reappears if the elections are reached.
On top of that, Fernández files Massa, as he filed Manzur: if there is something the President has in excess, it is time.
Massa, the off specialist, complains about the offs that the president orders to do.
Cristina loses relevance and La Cámpora confirms that
her forte is the boxes.
On February 6.6, he pierced the business-media armor that Massa knew how to build.
Now, in the face of complaints, he says that they are operations that come from the government itself.
But it happens that it is no longer just a question of the loss of dollars and inflation, but of suspicions of rigging.
They change the speeches, not the tricks.
Ferraresi, mayor of Avellaneda and suddenly part-time controller of Edesur, was campaigning for Massa, assuring that "Massa took office the day before we left by helicopter."
Strange, because
the helicopter would have been his own, and the passenger would have been Fernández and not De la Rúa.
It is the same crisis, but more crisis.
And so - not a circle, but a spiral.
Story no longer kills reality.
There is resistance in a good part of politics, especially in the government, to reading some straight facts, such as the recent electoral beating of La Falda.
It does not give much more than data, but what is data, it is, even though half of the people have voted.
Once again extreme polarization,
like in Río Negro, but
here with a difference of 40 points.
Governor Schiaretti could not or did not dare to submit a list.
The indisguisable internal fights of the Frente de Todos are not disguised by the shows.
The one of the impeachment to the Court is exhausted;
It does not attract attention even internally.
Lawfare is getting lower and lower.
The Grandmothers asked not to mix politics with human rights, a complicated request: Kirchnerism believes that it is one, if not the only, story that more or less remains standing.
They have erased the memory to argue that they recover the memory.
And this Friday he will continue to want to take over that flag.
Meanwhile, the forum that associates the International Center for the Promotion of Human Rights/Unesco with the government stumbles twice.
One, with the State Department document that insists that
corruption rules in Argentina.
Footnote: it also says that there are no political prisoners.
Stick for the campaign for Milagro Sala.
Of course: it is a document of the empire.
The government, which continues to be associated with Cuba, Nicaragua and Venezuela, has just made a big deal in Ecuador to get along with Correa, encouraging the escape of a former minister, like him, convicted of corruption.
The second stone is undisguisable.
Not even Maduro, another expert in stories, can hide what always happens: corruption does not give way;
like crises, scale.
Three billion dollars or many more are missing, you never know and you never know, and Tarek El Aissami, spoiled by Chávez and Minister of Oil,
is blown up.
And surpassing Luis Barrionuevo, Diosdado Cabello says and does not realize that he is confessing:
"Many end up betraying the revolution just because they have already stolen enough
. "
Argentina meets the worst in the neighborhood,
the farce that is hidden behind the defense of the revolution, the sanata, which is a minor form of the story.
How will the mishiadura be that even Mempo Giardinelli, a seeker and notorious Christian writer,
went to request nine days of free accommodation at the embassy in Italy.
And Ambassador Carles, who with papal endorsement was once nominated for the Supreme Court, spreads it through the networks.
But, luckily, the heat slackened, and it served for Massa's creative but ineffective hand in the Edesur solution-story to
pass the bill for the cuts.
Administrative intervention for 180 days
so as not to be stuck
and more virtual than anything else, in charge of Ferraresi, who is an alternating current: he was a Christian, he became an Albertist, he became a Christian again.
Now he plays massista?
Welcome Autumn.
I hope it rains.
The role of banana country is getting better and better.
