In little more than two years he went from media economist to second national candidate.
His proposal is simple: he is the one who screams.
He gets angry and yells.
In a world where others whisper and plot, Milei screams.
For many of their voters, the cry that unites them was born in 2001. What they asked then was that
"they all go away
. "
And it was not a metaphor, but a formal request.
Twenty-two years ago, finally,
no one left
.
That anti-system movement was naive and progressive: the assemblies in the squares, similar to the Soviet koljos, proposed to change things by discussing.
The system easily got rid of them;
a lint on the flap.
The plazas continued to be neutral zones but the claim survived in a kind of underground duct that reached today.
Now a screaming one appeared.
The leather jacket and tousled hair help him, he doesn't seem to have a coach and speaks with conviction.
I don't understand what he's saying but it seems like he knows.
He appeals to the most basic instincts and his own team maintains that the concepts of the entire campaign will be
freedom, life and property
.
The latest poll conducted by his team records
Juntos por el Cambio in first place with 33 points, then Milei with 26, and Frente de Todos in third place with 22
.
But the Juntos votes add up to two candidates: Patricia Bullrich and Horacio Rodríguez Larreta.
Libertarians speculate that if the Juntos candidate is Larreta, Milei can enter the PASO first, since they believe that a good part of Patricia's voters will migrate to her ranks.
This Saturday Milei promises to gather in Greater Buenos Aires about a
thousand territorial leaders
who will be part of the lists throughout the country.
If he succeeds, it will be a way of responding to those who criticize him for his lack of political armament.
Carlos Kikuchi, an operator who worked with Domingo Cavallo, promises to have 150 leaders defined in 150 districts nationwide.
Until now, only the alliance with Ricardo Bussi in Tucuman is known.
Son of the former general convicted of crimes against humanity, Bussi campaigns promoting the free carrying of arms.
A few days ago, when Jessica Bossi tried to air Bussi's spot in front of Milei on Diego Sehinkman's TN program, he began to yell, accusing her of promoting "that the jets kill people
.
"
The scandal buried Milei's lack of arguments
and for the unsuspecting viewer it may have been that a "Zaffaronian journalist" defended the jets against the "angry who screams."
The "libertarian ambulance"
Milei
knows that it doesn't matter what happens but what you see
.
In Neuquén, the “libertarian ambulance” (which collects wounded from all parties) raised Carlos Eguía, a person linked to the media, with erratic steps for radicalism and Juntos.
Javier Milei with the journalist Carlos Eguía, who will be his candidate for governor in Neuquén.
In Tierra del Fuego, which is also advancing its elections, Milei's candidate for governor is
the evangelical pastor Andrea Almirón Paulin
, who has never participated in politics, accompanied by businessman Sebastian Galdeano.
In Buenos Aires, the libertarians opened the doors to leaders of the Espert party, Avanza Libertad.
Carolina Píparo
came to Congress for that space and the provincial deputies Nahuel Sotelo and Constanza Moragues today militate for Milei, which is replicated with councilors from different parties throughout the province.
During these days, the campaign spot of the mediatic Fernando Burlando
was also known
: in shorts, sandals and a muscular Diesel (it can be seen that it was the most "poor" thing he had) the candidate lavishes hugs in a villa that he may have arrived at in his Porsche Cayenne.
His electoral message or, at least, the only word he utters in the spot is, paradoxically, "decency."
Although it was speculated that he could accompany Milei, libertarians reject Burlando's name for "not sharing values."
Carolina Píparo is a kind of Plan B for the position of governor, although if someone with a greater call appears, she would end up as a candidate for the mayor of La Plata.
The assembly of Milei in the province depends on the former monzoist leader Sebastián Pareja and the technical teams that would define his government plan are in charge of Karina Milei.
The space leaders themselves know little or nothing of Milei's "shadow cabinet", which would be made up of six "ministers".
Javier-Milei and his sister Karina, at the Idea Colloquium.
The plot of so much secrecy is incredible.
Milei says that if the names were known, someone could bribe them and she would abandon him.
It is curious that he assumes that his ministers would be "bribeable."
Are they for him for love or for money?
Another controversial idea that he held in the Viviana Canosa program was that libertarians
“are morally and aesthetically superior.
We are better at everything and it hurts
. "
When some journalists fell short of this reasoning and described it as "facho", Milei understood that there is no better defense than a good attack and he judged them.
Fernando Cerinedo worked in the Chilean right-wing campaign and alongside Bolsonaro in Brazil:
he is Milei's Durán Barba
.
In dialogue with
Clarín,
he affirms that "Javier has sustained growth with erratic moments such as when he talks about the sale of organs or babies, but he quickly recovers again because he is seen as a beacon of hope."
And he provides more details: "Those over 65 years of age on Facebook in 2019 were 3% of users and today they are 17%. People are hyper-informed, they find out about the threads in politics and do not forgive them. That
generates a growth of the punishment vote
”.
Cerinedo believes that Milei's media scandals are not important to her electorate.
On the contrary, he assures that “people choose it that way because it is real and the rest are always the same.
Even when she says that her dogs are her children, she empathizes.
The values are liberty, life and property.
For this, in the coming weeks the economy, security and infrastructure teams will begin to work (public works is a bad word).
Both in the Frente de Todos and in Juntos por el Cambio they see Milei as someone who takes votes from the other.
Cristina mentions him in her speeches without naming him and associates him with the 90s. In her last appearance before the Puebla Group, Cristina referred to Von Hayek as a member of the Chicago school, when she should have said of the school austrian
Nobody understands what he says and few take it seriously, but he who shouts grows
.
look also
Macri's intimacy and a renewed question: "To play or not to play?"
Patricia Bullrich in the suburbs: the slogan of "order", hostility K and distrust with Larreta
