Parties interpret their statutes to combat corruption according to how it affects them

Clear corruption is always yours.

That is the maxim that is once again in force in the leadership of the main parties in the face of this resurgence of accusations of corruption cases, which flourished again this week in the debate on the motion of no confidence led by Ramón Tamames.

The PP spokeswoman, Cuca Gamarra, metaphorically threw several summaries from the rostrum at the socialist president Pedro Sánchez.

And the president of the Government and his parliamentary spokesperson, Patxi López, brandished some scandals to be resolved by the popular ones.

All the parties boast of being forceful in their statutes and in their approaches against the corrupt, then they differ on what corruption is when some "black sheep" arises in their ranks.

The last fray focuses on comparing the different actions in the cases of María Gámez,

The surprise resignation this Wednesday of Gámez, who resigned after learning that her husband, Juan Carlos Martínez, had to appear under investigation for a corruption case related to a judicial piece derived from the ERE case, has once again shown how the

react before these assumptions.

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The Minister and Deputy Secretary General of the PSOE, María Jesús Montero, was the first to counter this Thursday since Rota the "exemplary" attitude of Gámez against the "complicit silence" of the PP in matters affecting the former mayor of Badalona, ​​Xavier García Albiol, the Mayor Muñoz or the former people's minister, Jorge Fernández Díaz, for whom the Prosecutor's Office is asking for up to 15 years in prison as the ringleader of the so-called Operation Kitchen, the police operation mounted to spy without judicial control on the former treasurer of the PP, Luis Bárcenas.

Bolaños thanked Gámez for "stepping aside" from her and challenged the PP to look at where she set "ethical standards."

To the PP, however, the music of the Gámez case sounds like corruption, or "presumed corruption", as the popular leader, Alberto Núñez Feijóo, qualified this Thursday from Brussels.

Feijóo asked for explanations from the Minister of the Interior, Fernando Grande-Marlaska, for an issue that he related to Gámez's "intense life in community property" and that he connected in the media with the Tito Berni scandals or the Civil Guard barracks.

María Gámez, during the announcement of her resignation, this Wednesday in Madrid.

Javier Lizón (EFE)

After several days of silence on judicial cases that harm the PP, Feijóo assured that "corruption has no place" in that party and specified that his formation knows how to "distinguish what is corruption and what is not."

Feijóo and the PP maintain that the case involving Albiol is about a simple installation of "some turrets for some mobile operators that he neither knew nor notified him of", despite the fact that the judge investigating that investigation considers that the former mayor tolerated his irregular assembly and operation for several years and the Prosecutor's Office requests two years and 10 months in prison for Albiol, as well as another 10 years of disqualification for a possible crime of continued urban and environmental prevarication.

In the PP they establish as an official position to process the expulsion of a position or militant who has previously been convicted.

If this does not exist, "an affiliate can be terminated based on the open procedure and the casuistry of the case", which leaves a lot of room for interpretation.

The popular do not see anything that implies corruption in Ángeles Muñoz, mayoress of Marbella and senator.

The Senate has promoted an investigation into her assets, in which 12 million euros have surfaced, and her husband, Lars Gunnar Broberg, who died a few weeks ago, was prosecuted for money laundering, and her stepson, Joakim Broberg, designated as leader of a network for the sale of marijuana and hashish by the National Court.

Her PP has ratified her as a candidate for mayor.

In the PP of Andalusia, controlled by Juan Manuel Moreno, they do not question her "because she is not accused or investigated for anything" and they presume that they do not enter into this type of marital battles either when they touch the wife of the regional leader of the PSOE, John Swords.

The PP senator and mayoress of Marbella, Ángeles Muñoz, in plenary session of the Senate, this Wednesday in Madrid.

Kiko Huesca (EFE)

The Andalusian PSOE initially tried to take advantage of the criminal plot that surrounds Muñoz, and they presented several questions in the regional Parliament to put Moreno in trouble.

That path was relegated in Andalusia but was taken up again by the PSOE and its ministers at the national level.

The PP, when challenged by Muñoz, recalls that the wife of the current general secretary of the Andalusian PSOE, Carmen Ibanco, was part of a group of 84 employees of the Andalusian Training and Employment Foundation (Faffe), whose recruitment is being investigated by a judge for alleged diversion of public funds after the complaint by the Andalusian Union of Civil Servants, which states that they were booked for their political ties.

The PP and Vox have activated for the third time the creation of a commission of investigation of the Faffe in the Andalusian Parliament,

.

The PSOE presumes, however, that it does not suffer from any case of corruption like those of the PP, that when a militant is summoned to a trial he is expelled and, on occasions, as happened with the former deputy Juan Bernardo Fuentes Curbelo, Tito Berni , even without reaching that point.

The PSOE took eight hours to force his resignation as soon as the Mediator case broke out.

“No one, no party, is free from someone unworthy slipping through, someone who does not live up to the acronym.

The problem is when the acronyms are not up to the task, and that is the great problem of the PP”, they highlight in the Organization area of ​​the PSOE.

At ERC they boast that they are a super-rigid group, with 92 years of history, a forceful code of conduct and no cases of corruption, but they clarify that according to their criteria the processes that could harm them, such as those involving Josep Maria Jové and Lluís Salvadó, “they are not corruption”, despite the fact that the Superior Prosecutor of Catalonia asks them for high prison terms for a crime of aggravated embezzlement.

In the PNV they also extol the harshness of article 14 of its statutes, changed twice in the last decade to reinforce its demand in cases of corruption and sexist violence, where it is established that the suspension of militancy is automatic when a member is investigated or accused.

The suspension of affiliation by the Euzkadi Buru Batzar does not become final until the sentence is final, as happened a few days ago after the ruling of the Supreme Court for those involved in the

or the Miñano case, who have remained in their posts for decades.

In Podemos, as it appears in its ethical regulations, a commitment to resign from public or internal office or from any candidacy is established in the event of being prosecuted or convicted of misdemeanors or crimes of corruption.

This principle is qualified when the party observes accusations of "anti-democratic judicial harassment or with political intentions", the lawfare, in what they understand to be a strategy that they have suffered with various scandals that were attributed to them in the media and that were later proven to be false.

Podemos highlights that their financing does not depend on banks as a barrier that differentiates them from other political organizations.

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