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The peak of outrage from the bouncer: Netanyahu's speech is the peak of a dark period, the ombudsman will have no choice but to respond - voila! News

2023-03-24T02:16:59.552Z


Binyamin Netanyahu behaved like a criminal last night, when he announced to Barish Gali that he intended to engage in the legal revolution, even though he was forbidden to do so due to a conflict of interest. The content of the statement, apart from being full of lies, foreshadows the continuation of the destruction plan. The ombudsman may not open a criminal investigation against him, but she will not be able to remain silent either


In the video: Netanyahu: "I believe that it is possible to bring about a reform that will provide an answer to both sides" (Photo: Leam)

It was undoubtedly one of the highlights of the disgrace of this dark period.

The Prime Minister, Benjamin Netanyahu, gave a videotaped statement to the citizens of Israel, in which, as part of a frightening package deal, he also tweeted about the provisions of the law, and also told us that the plan to destroy Israeli democracy will continue as planned.



Let's start with the first part: in simple and understandable words, the Prime Minister behaved like a criminal last night, violating the order of the Legal Adviser to the Government and the High Court of Justice's instructions. For those who have forgotten, the adviser prevented him from dealing with every detail of the plan known as "the legal reform", due to the conflict of interest that he He is in it as a criminal defendant, and despite this he announced yesterday in Rish Gali that he intends to engage in it.

He felt that with the passage of the fortification law it was impossible to harm him.

Binyamin Netanyahu (photo: screenshot, L.A.M.)

The reason he decided to do this is because he felt that with the passage of the fortification law, it was impossible to really harm him.

The only threat that remains is the risk of breach of trust, but Netanyahu estimates, to a large degree of justice, that the adviser will not open an investigation against him.

He probably also believes that the adviser prefers his involvement in the legal plan over his silence, since perhaps she recognizes in it a potential for a compromise with the Minister of Justice and the chairman of the Constitution Committee. The point is this: as long as he did it secretly, in private conversations, the adviser turned a blind eye and did not check too much ; from the moment in a press statement he announced from the pop-up, Kebal People and State, that he was tweeting at her instructions, she would have no choice but to respond. No, she would not open a criminal investigation against him at this stage, but she certainly could not remain silent.



The second and equally important part is the content of this statement, which besides the fact that it provided, as usual, false facts, it simply announced to the citizens of Israel that the destruction plan will continue as usual.

Netanyahu repeated the same slogans, the same clichés, wrapping them in little more than unity messages that don't sit well on his tongue.

He told again about "a friend brings a friend", even though we have already proven time and time again how it was the Likud governments that pushed many judges to the current composition (such as Solberg, Mintz, Stein, Willner, Elron) and previous compositions;

He lied when he said the High Court "prohibited the deportation of infiltrators", when in practice all the High Court prohibited was the specific outlines that the government proposed for deportation (deportation to that famous third country, and incarceration in a sand facility), he lied again, for the umpteenth time, about TZ prevented the gas plan (while the High Court only referred to the specific section of the Knesset's binding).

As mentioned, the worst of all is that in his way he informed the citizens of Israel with his words, that just as he put a bar on Counselor Pess and he despised her instructions,

More in Walla!

Netanyahu clarifies that the legislation of the legal revolution will continue as usual: "I am entering the event"

To the full article

Presented a softened Aalek outline.

Simcha Rothman (Photo: Flash 90, Yonatan Zindel)

The most exciting days of freedom in the Israeli calendar, until Independence Day, are going to be heavy, difficult days, days that seem to herald a dark horizon of denial of freedoms.

Unless an unexpected political drama suddenly descends upon us, the first chapter in the plan to destroy Israeli democracy is expected to pass in the Knesset in the next week and a half.

According to the latest outline of the Chairman of the Constitution Committee, Simcha Rothman, this October two political judges will be appointed to the Supreme Court. Make no mistake in the conceptualization - not conservative, but political. Also, the new coalition committee for the selection of judges (and that is what it should be called from now on) will appoint a president A new politician to the Supreme Court.



Like many fraud clauses that exist in Rothman's "softened" new law, the president's issue also contains an ugly trick that many have not noticed.

Although Rothman did not adopt Levin's proposal that it would be possible to appoint a supreme court president from outside the composition of the Supreme Court, the truth is that he did not need to.

What will actually happen is that Justice Minister Yariv Levin will postpone the election of the new president to the Supreme Court until after the two new judges are sworn in in October, and then he can choose one of them for the position.

In other words, the next president according to the Levin and Rothman system, will be either Judge Yosef Elron, who apparently is the only one of the Supreme Court judges who agrees to skip Judge Yitzhak Amit, a veteran judge after the retirement of President Esther Hayut, or one of the two new political judges.



The bigger fraud is in the imagined compromise of how the judges are selected - the first two judges in the term will be chosen by the coalition majority, the third appointment will have a veto by the opposition representative, and the fourth appointment will have a veto by the judges.

Leave aside the disgrace that Israel will be the first western country where coalition judges are appointed without any constitutional or procedural balance, think of the fraud.

As we know, terms of parliaments in Israel are very short, but let's assume for the sake of the matter that in some of them it is possible to squeeze in many changes of judges (there have been such parliaments in recent years), the full control over the convening of these committees rests with the chairman of the committee, who is the Minister of Justice. The chairman of the committee can Easily appoint his quota of political judges, then spread the additional appointments.

The only one who will agree to skip Yitzhak Amit.

Judge Yosef Elron (Photo: Eran Gilvarg)

In order to do this, he does not need to throw his water out of the springboard, but simply to be clever - to simulate attempts to reach agreements outside the walls of the committee, and wish that they fail to postpone and postpone its meeting.

Thus he can reach the end of the term only with the political judges and not with the agreed judges.

In the next term, according to the new law, there will be a restart in the process - first, as you remember, the two coalition judges will be appointed, then again the time will be extended until the end of the term.

Thus, over time, the entire Supreme Court will become a distinctly political court.

The thought that the Minister of Justice in Israel would not go that far is obviously naive considering that under Netanyahu's rule the government left the Israel Police without a commissioner for two years, just to look for a deputy commissioner, and left the country without a state attorney for a year and a half, just to look for a lawyer on behalf of



By the way, you don't have to be an opponent of Levin to make use of this power, many ministers of justice in history have used the power of not convening the committee to force a compromise on the judges of the Supreme Court.

The person who broke the record in the use of this power was actually Tzipi Livni who served as Minister of Justice under the Sharon government.

Livni asked to appoint Prof. Ruth Gavizon to the Supreme Court, and the president of the Supreme Court at the time, Aharon Barak, opposed the appointment.

Since without the supreme judges Livni did not have a majority, she used the power she had and did not convene the committee she chaired for about ten months.

During this entire period, the Supreme Court worked in a deadlock.

So if Livni trained such behavior in the past, Levin will certainly not have a problem, especially when his motivation to do so, in light of the new crazy law, is extremely high.



And let's assume for the purpose of the discussion that Levin will act honestly and give the opposition and the judges the veto they ask for.

Does it make sense to you that on any sensitive issue of one kind or another, the debaters will bite their nails in tension as to whether the political president will insert the political judges into their discussion?

Extremely high motivation.

Yariv Levin and Benjamin Netanyahu (Photo: Flash 90, Yonatan Zindel)

The legal advisor to the government, Gali Beharev Miara, will oppose the new Rotman outline, and most likely will not defend it in the High Court. Will the High Court reject this legislation?

This is a more likely possibility, but it cannot be determined for sure.

What can be determined for sure?

The position of the Minister of Justice is that if there is such a disqualification, the government should not comply with it.

Levin said these things in an interview on his home channel, Channel 14. The Minister of Justice informed the citizens of the country that he intends to reject the High Court's decision. It's scary how logical it suddenly seems to us. We've gotten used to it. That is, in a few weeks the State of Israel may be divided between those who will obey the High Court And among those who will obey Levin, Rothman and Ben Gvir.



After one of the cowardly Likud officials, Nir Barkat, peeked out for a moment from his hiding place and said (thank you very much indeed) that he opposes disobeying the High Court, the Likud hastened to issue the following statement: "The High Court has no authority or reason to interfere with the amendment to the Basic Law that determines how they will be appointed the judges,



The announcement refers to the amendment known as the "Sa'ar Law", initiated by Yozmo Gideon Sa'ar, which stated that a majority of seven members of the committee is required for appointments to the Supreme Court, instead of five in regular courts. The High Court did not interfere with this law.

Do you know why?

Simply because no person or organization petitioned against the Saar Law.

What to do when the High Court does not discuss issues independently, but only responds to petitions. As for the beginning of the announcement, well the High Court discussed many petitions that dealt with the committee for selecting judges, including petitions by Likud members such as Osnat Mark and Miri Regev about the way the committee was run, and another petition by The Likud for not having an opposition representative in the composition of the committee.



Another lie that stood out in the Likud announcement was this: "The principle that the High Court does not have the authority to invalidate basic laws appears in all the outlines, including the President's outline." This is also a lame joke. In all the outlines, including the President's outline, it is written that basic laws will be enacted in four readings, and even in two assemblies - The farthest thing from desecrating the status of the Basic Law that was done these days by Rothman and Levin. The outlines create a necessary match between the difficult path that a proposed Basic Law must go through to reach the statute book, and the question of the High Court's authority to cancel it.

The Likud adopts, as expected, one side of the equation.

He even harshly criticizes some elements of the reform.

Prof. Gidi Sapir, the lights and the tommy of the ecclesiastical school (Photo: Haaretz, Moti Milrod)

And what is this crazy running about?

Even Prof. Gidi Sapir, without a doubt the mentor of many academics who hold conservative views, not to mention the luminaries of the Ecclesiastical school, the other day sharply criticized some of the components of the "reform", among them the abolition of the seniority system, and more importantly, the coalition majority in the committee for selecting judges.



His words were given in a lecture to students at the Hebrew University in Jerusalem, and were revealed yesterday by Chen Manit from Haaretz: "I think that changing the seniority system is a bad thing," Sapir said, "The meaning of this is that whether the judges actually behave this way or whether we only think, Or we suspect, in any of the sitting judges whose conduct and rulings are motivated by the desire to be appointed president, it simply does not make sense. The seniority system seems wise, logical to me."



Sapir, unlike his poison-spreading political students, also praised the last three presidents as well as the next three: "They judge above their rank. I see no reason to include myself in this new proposal, which in my eyes is stupid and has no logic."

As mentioned, Sapir also explained that he is opposed to a coalition majority in the committee, alongside his opposition to actual judges serving in the committee.



But even Sapir will not stop Levin and Rothman's mad dash.

This week, at a press conference, which broke records of patheticness, Minister Bezalel Smotrich rolled his eyes at the merit of his dialogue and love for the people of Israel and immediately told us that by Passover the committee for selecting judges will become a coalition committee.

He suggested that after the initial legislation, between the sessions of the Knesset, a negotiation would take place.

The beautiful and democratic Israeli Zionism does not look down.

The demonstration of unity in Jerusalem, March 23, 2023 (photo: Yanon Shalom Yathach)

It is important to emphasize: the separation between the parts of the reform is worse than dealing with its legislation together.

The centralized legislation of the parts of the reform allows at least to examine the various balances and brakes that will exist between its parts.

It is clear, for example, that there is a connection between the majority needed to repeal laws and the composition of the committee for selecting judges.

Rothman and Levin's method is to land the first blow on us, when we don't know exactly what the second blow will look like.

And all this with brutality, rudeness, and unwillingness to listen.



No, it will not be a happy Freedom Day, nor a particularly happy Independence Day, but look on the encouraging side: at the end of the 19th century, following the first Zionist Congress, the Jewish poet and journalist Noah Rosenblum published the poem "Let Ziona be a miracle and a flag".

He received his inspiration from the prophet Jeremiah who said: "Let the miracle of Ziona, dare not stand still."

Every Shabbat night tens of thousands of good grades raise their flags, dare, do not stand still.

Unlike what happened in Hungary and Poland, the Israeli public woke up in time and took to the streets for their children and the elderly.

The people of Israel in their glory.

This period will be remembered as a sad period on the one hand, but also as a period in which the beautiful, democratic Israeli Zionism did not lower its gaze.

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  • The legal revolution

  • Rival Levin

Source: walla

All news articles on 2023-03-24

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