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This is Xi and Putin's plan for a "new era"

2023-03-26T10:55:29.982Z


The leaders of China and Russia continue to strengthen ties to "pilot changes not seen in 100 years." EL PAÍS offers a detailed interpretation of a joint document published after their meeting in Moscow this week


At the end of a state visit to Russia earlier this week, Chinese President Xi Jinping said goodbye to his Russian counterpart, Vladimir Putin, with the following words: "Changes are taking place that have not happened in 100 years.

When we are together, we pilot those changes.”

“I agree,” Putin replied.

The exchange is a rare, stellar moment in which the Chinese leader is heard in an informal,

petit committee

statement that sounds like the best revelation of his thinking.

The world is witnessing enormous changes;

China wants to shape a new world order more favorable to its interests, and Russia is an important partner in achieving this.

This is the context in which the documents signed on the occasion of the visit are registered.

Next, EL PAÍS offers an interpretation of the meaning of one of them, the most relevant in a global geopolitical perspective.

Joint Statement of the People's Republic of China and the Russian Federation on Deepening the Comprehensive Strategic Partnership for Cooperation in a New Era

(...)

The Russian Federation and the People's Republic of China, hereinafter referred to as the "Parties", declare the following:

One

Russian-Chinese relations in the field of global partnership and strategic cooperation,

entering a new era

,

The incipit already makes it clear with the reference to a "new era" that the parties consider that the world is in a phase of transcendental change in geopolitical balances.

Putin warned in October 2022 that the world is "facing a historic border, the most dangerous, unpredictable and important decade since World War II."

In the opinion of the Russian leader, we are facing a confrontation between "traditional values ​​and neoliberal values".

they have reached the highest level in their history and continue to grow unabated thanks to the constant efforts of both Parties.

It is true that, in the decade of Xi in power, the bilateral relationship has seen a great momentum, and trade between China and Russia has grown by 116%.

In the last year, with the war underway, it increased by 34.3% to reach 190,000 million dollars in 2022 (about 177,650 million euros).

In the same year, trade in goods between the US and China was $690 billion. 

(...)

Both Parties point out that relations between Russia and China,

although they do not constitute a military and political alliance similar to the alliances that existed during the Cold War

, are superior to traditional interstate cooperation, do not have a bloc or confrontational character and are not directed against third countries.

The Sino-Russian joint statement of February 4, 2022, just before the invasion of Ukraine, called the bilateral relationship "without limits."

This time, from the beginning, some features that precisely seem to be limits are clarified.

The attitude of China in the last year, which has avoided taking steps that could trigger Western sanctions, points to another limit: faced with the dilemma of propping up the Kremlin's partner and the risk of compromising trade with the West, Beijing has not had any doubts for the moment. .

Russian-Chinese relations are mature, stable, self-reliant and strong, have withstood the test of the COVID-19 pandemic and the turbulent international environment, are not subject to external influences, and demonstrate positive vitality and energy.

The friendship of the two peoples, handed down from generation to generation, has a solid foundation, and comprehensive cooperation between the two States has the broadest prospects.

Russia is interested in a stable and prosperous China, and China is interested in a strong and prosperous Russia.

Considering each other as priority partners,

both parties have constantly shown mutual respect and interact on an equal footing

, representing a model of relations between the main States of the world today.

The relationship between the two countries has been gradually getting closer since Xi Jinping came to power in 2012. However, beyond the declarations, the relationship also has problematic aspects.

For example, Russian counterintelligence arrested the president of the Arctic Academy of Sciences in 2020 for passing secret information to Beijing.

And the treatment between both powers is not equal at all, being on the contrary marked by an asymmetry of forces that have conditioned its future.

In the 20th century, the USSR clearly had more strength;

in the 21st century, the pre-eminence of China is so evident that there are analysts who speak of a vassalage relationship.

With leadership diplomacy at the forefront, these Parties maintain intensive communication at all levels, maintain in-depth contacts on important issues of mutual interest, strengthen mutual trust, continuously ensure the qualitative advancement of high-level bilateral relations, and express their willingness to continue deepening inter-state relations and to develop dialogue mechanisms in various fields.

Both Parties note the rapid pace of change in the world, the profound transformation of the international architecture, the irreversibility of historical trends such as peace, development, cooperation and mutual benefit, the acceleration of the process of creating a world

order multipolar

, the consolidation of the positions of emerging and developing countries, the growing number of regional powers with an impact on world processes and their willingness to defend their legitimate national interests.

A key paragraph, probably the core of the intentions of China and Russia: they describe a world in a process of change, which would leave behind the balance forged in 1945, and from which new actors emerge claiming a greater share of power and different relationship mechanisms . 

At the same time,

hegemonic dominance, unilateralism and protectionism remain widespread.

Therefore, attempts to replace the generally accepted principles and norms of international law with a “mere rules-based order” are unacceptable

.

A criticism directed, without naming it, at the United States. The opposition to the primacy of Washington is the true collagen in the Sino-Russian relationship, two nations that deeply distrusted each other for decades, which the White House knew how to take advantage of with the thaw with Beijing in the 1970s.

The contemptuous mention of "order based on mere rules" is the banner behind which goes an understanding of the world order in which inter-state relations have more weight.

The viability of the multipolar model

and the sustainable development of States depend on its universal openness and on taking into account the interests of all countries without exception on an inclusive and non-discriminatory basis.

Russia and China urge all countries to promote universal values ​​such as peace, development, equality, justice, democracy and freedom;

to dialogue instead of confrontation, to adopt an inclusive approach that is not exclusive, to coexist peacefully, to cooperate for mutual benefit and to stimulate development and lasting peace.

The rejection of a unipolar world dominated by the US and its allies, clearly the central objective, is once again emerging.

It is interesting to note that they are committed to the concept of "multipolar" as opposed to multilateral, preferred in Europe, and that they avoid the polarizing concept to convey rather a figure that flows continuously around a dialogue table.

Both Parties, in this context, maintain close coordination and interaction in foreign policy matters on multilateral platforms, resolutely defending equality and justice and promoting a new type of international relations.

(...)

Two

The Parties point out that each State has its own historical, cultural and national characteristics and has the right to choose its own path of development.

There is no “supreme democracy”.

Both Parties are opposed to one State imposing its values ​​on another

, to drawing ideological lines, to creating a false narrative about the supposed opposition of democracies and autocracies, and to using democracy and freedom as a pretext and instrument politician to put pressure on other States.

This is a shell against Western countries that, in the narrative of Beijing and Moscow, use some values ​​to promote the destabilization of opposing governments, promoting protests such as color

revolutions

in the post-Soviet space or giving wings to the already stifled resistance. citizen in Hong Kong.

The Russian Side attaches great importance and

will study the Global Civilization Initiative with interest to the Chinese Side.

With this acknowledgment from Putin, Xi is scoring somewhat diplomatic.

In recent years, the Chinese president has launched various initiatives of global ambition with the intention of shaping international relations more for him.

These initiatives offer the Chinese development experience as a model, and have strong appeal to many countries, especially in the global south.

These Parties take note that the universal realization of human rights is a common aspiration of humanity.

Each State has the right to choose its own path of development in the field of human rights.

This is one of the main mantras of Russian-Chinese cooperation: affirm the relativization of the concepts of democracy and human rights, maintaining that there are different approaches to them.

Different civilizations and countries must respect and accept each other, communicate and learn from each other.

Both Parties will constantly promote human rights at the national and global levels.

In neither of them is there authentic political pluralism or true freedom of expression.

Various organizations, such as Amnesty International, have denounced systematic violations of fundamental rights.

Last summer, the UN accused China of "serious violations of human rights" in its treatment of the Uyghur minority in the Xinjiang region. 

The Chinese Side supports the implementation of the Russian Party's national development goals up to 2030. The Russian Side supports the Chinese Side's implementation of the modernization goals based on the Chinese model.

Both Parties are against the interference of external forces in internal affairs.

The Russian Side reaffirms its commitment to the "one China" principle,

recognizes that Taiwan is an integral part of the PRC,

opposes Taiwan's independence in any form, and firmly supports the Chinese Side's actions to protect its State sovereignty and its territorial integrity.

Moscow reiterates its support for Beijing on the Taiwanese issue, undoubtedly the main focus that could turn the rivalry between China and the US into conflict.

It is always a very red line for China, which it demands in all diplomatic relations with another State.

The principle supposes the recognition of the People's Republic of China, the communist country founded by Mao Zedong in 1949, as the only China, and calls for breaking diplomatic ties with Taiwan, the self-governing island that Beijing considers an inalienable part of its territory.

(...)

Three

Both sides intend to make coordinated and determined efforts to effectively raise the level and ensure a truly strategic character of practical cooperation in all fields, in order to strengthen the material basis of Russian-Chinese relations and improve the well-being of the peoples of both states.

Said Parties will promote the consolidation of the upward trend of bilateral trade, gradually improve its structure, apply the Roadmap for the development of Russian-Chinese trade in goods and services, support the development of electronic commerce, identify new growth points

, increase the scope and effectiveness of trade and economic cooperation, work to minimize the negative impact of external risks, ensure the sustainability, stability and security of production, distribution and trade, and improve the quality of cooperation .

Likewise, both Parties intend to deepen interregional cooperation, expand its geography and scope, increase exchanges and cooperation between small and medium-sized companies.

After the stampede of Western companies, Russia is looking for replacements to plug the holes.

In this perspective, it tries to facilitate and encourage the arrival of Chinese companies.

Russia's dependence on China is growing by leaps and bounds.

Putin has made huge economic concessions to China without reciprocal treatment.

In return, the Kremlin avoids making its population feel isolated and receives enough help to avoid collapse from war.

Putin considers the use of the yuan to pay for Russia's business with third countries and Chinese companies will have priority to acquire the assets of Western companies leaving Russia;

Moscow grants Beijing an important role in the development of the Russian Far East. 

(...)

Both Parties intend

to carry out an even closer energy partnership

, support Russian and Chinese companies in the implementation of energy cooperation projects in the oil and gas, coal, electricity, nuclear energy and other sectors, as well as initiatives that contribute to the reduction of gas emissions greenhouse gas, including those related to the use of renewable energy sources and low emissions.

The Parties will jointly protect international energy security (including critical cross-border infrastructure), the stability of energy production and supply chains, promote just energy transitions and low-carbon development, taking into account the principle of technology neutrality. , and will jointly contribute to the long-term, healthy and sustainable development of the world energy market.

This is a key area of ​​relationship development.

Following the imposition of Western sanctions, China (like India) has been increasing its purchases of Russian hydrocarbons, at discounted prices.

Last year, Beijing imported Russian oil, gas and coal worth 81.3 billion euros, 56% more than in 2021. On the horizon is the project to build a second gas pipeline between the two countries.

However, the state visit has not yielded definitive indications in this regard, a worrying sign for Putin.

Xi Jinping did not commit to further expanding the import of Russian gas.

All the projects, such as the Siberian Power 2 gas pipeline, had been announced earlier.

Four

(...)

Five

Both parties reaffirm their commitment to vigorously defend the international system, in which the UN plays a central role;

that is, the world order based on international law and

the fundamental norms of international relations based on the purposes and principles of the UN Charter

;

they oppose all forms of hegemony, unilateralism and power politics, the Cold War mentality, confrontation between factions and the creation of small circles directed against specific countries.

The fundamental principles of the United Nations Charter include respect for the sovereignty, independence and territorial integrity of countries.

China explicitly mentions them in its "Position for a Political Solution to the Ukraine Crisis".

This, however, has not led at any time to a criticism of the Kremlin, a clear violator of them.

(...)

Both Parties support the construction of an open world economy, advocate for a multilateral trading system whose core is the World Trade Organization, promote the liberalization and simplification of trade and investment conditions, demand an open, equitable, fair development environment and non-discriminatory;

They are also opposed to unilateralism, protectionism, barriers and obstacles, disconnection and supply chains, unilateral sanctions and marginalization policies.

A series of criticisms directed at the US and its partners.

The walls and barriers are the tariffs imposed on Chinese products by Trump as well as Biden's green stimulus program.

The decoupling of chains is the policy that Washington promotes to reduce its manufacturing dependence on China.

Unilateral sanctions are the broad set of restrictive measures taken against Russia, but also restrictions on the export of technological products to China.

The Russian Side welcomes

the Global Development Initiative

and will continue to participate in the work of the Group of Friends in support of it.

Both Parties will continue to encourage the international community to focus on development issues and enhance their contribution to them, to jointly contribute to the success of the United Nations Summit on the Sustainable Development Goals, ensuring the prompt implementation of the 2030 Agenda of the United Nations for Sustainable Development.

It is one of the several initiatives promoted by Beijing in recent years, which seek to offset the advantage that the US has with its extensive network of formal alliances with a series of less solid association ties around axes such as development or security. .

(...)

Six

Both Parties will continue to work closely to strengthen the role and

influence of the Shanghai Cooperation Organization

in ensuring peace, security and stability on their territory.

Together with other SCO member states, they intend to strive to enhance the Organization's activities in the current phase in order to effectively deal with new challenges and threats, deepen mutually beneficial multilateral relations in the fields of trade, economy, and cultural and humanitarian ties in Eurasia.

This chapter reviews various global governance forums such as the SCO, promoted by China, and made up of other giants such as India, Russia and Pakistan.

In these organizations their voice sounds louder and they make it possible to shape a "polycentric world order", to use the expression used in the Russian-Chinese declaration of 2022. At the last SCO summit, held in Samarkand (Uzbekistan) in In September last year, Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi blamed Putin for his invasion of Ukraine.

"This is not a time for wars," Modi said in front of the Russian leader. 

Russia highly values ​​China's success in hosting the XIV summit of the BRICS countries (Brazil, Russia, India, China and South Africa).

The Parties are ready to work together with the other participants of the association to implement the agreements reached at the past BRICS summits,

deepen practical cooperation in all fields

, actively promote discussions on BRICS enlargement and increase the number of shareholders of the New Development Bank, dynamically develop cooperation in the BRICS Outreach / BRICS Plus format and defend the interests of developing countries and emerging market states.

Another alternative forum to which the parties intend to give further impetus.

To date, however, its specific route has been reduced, and there are no elements to think that it can make a great leap in efficiency.

It should be noted that Brazil and South Africa are member countries of the International Criminal Court, and therefore the duty to execute the arrest warrant issued by that court against Putin rests with them.

(...)

Both Parties intend

to strengthen coordination within the G20 and other multilateral mechanisms

, encourage the G20 to respond to the current challenges of the international financial and economic environment, and improve global economic governance in an equitable and sustainable manner to better reflect the economic architecture including a greater representation and voice of emerging market states and developing countries.

These Parties support the African Union in its accession to the G20.

A reference to a forum whose last summit, in November in Bali, was a bitter pill for both, although mainly for Russia.

The final communiqué adopted language unfavorable to the Kremlin.

Beijing did not want to take the defense of his ally to the extreme and, in view of the fact that practically all the others expressed consensus on that text, he let it go without requesting a footnote that made the dissent explicit.

A diplomatic defeat.

(...)

(...)

Both Parties are determined to strengthen cooperation to support a multilateral trading system based on WTO rules, and thus combat trade protectionism,

including the imposition of illegitimate unilateral restrictions on trade

;

A reference to the semiconductor wars.

In December, Beijing filed a lawsuit with the World Trade Organization against the United States, which it accuses of abusing export control measures to restrict trade in advanced chips.

Washington approved these mechanisms in October in the face of what it considers a growing threat from China's rapid technological and military development.

They will also intensify the dialogue on the agenda of the World Trade Organization, including its reforms to strengthen the role of the WTO in global economic governance, especially promoting

the resumption of normal operation of the dispute settlement mechanism by 2024

, and promoting the application of the results of the negotiations on joint initiatives such as investment facilitation and electronic commerce, so that Both Parties strongly condemn the politicization of the multilateral platform.

Barrage against the US, which prevents the smooth functioning of the institution by blocking the renewal of the members of its reference arbitration panel.

An obstructionism started by Trump that has not been fixed with more than two years of Biden's presidency.

Seven

Underlining the importance of the Joint Declaration of the Leaders of the Five Nuclear Weapon States on the Prevention of Nuclear War and the Prevention of an Arms Race, the Parties reaffirm

that “nuclear war cannot be won or fought”.

Putin has explicitly raised the nuclear threat on several occasions since the start of the invasion.

At the beginning of the war, just before beginning negotiations with kyiv, the president activated his nuclear deterrent forces "in a special mode of combat duty."

In September, when ordering his massive mobilization due to the failure of his initial offensive, the Russian head of state warned that he would use "all means at his disposal" if the West intervened.

"This is not bluffing," Putin said.

They call on all signatories to the Joint Declaration to implement its key messages, including effectively reducing the risk of nuclear war and any armed conflict between nuclear-weapon States.

In a context of deteriorating relations between nuclear-weapon States, measures to reduce strategic risk must be seamlessly integrated into

overall efforts to reduce tensions between States,

build more constructive relations, and minimize friction over nuclear weapons. security.

The Kremlin has recently suspended the application of the main nuclear arms control treaty, the New START, signed between Washington and Moscow.

All nuclear-weapon States must not deploy nuclear weapons outside their national territories and must withdraw all nuclear weapons deployed abroad.

After publishing this statement earlier in the week, Putin announced on Saturday that he will deploy tactical nuclear weapons in Belarus.

He justifies the measure by pointing out that the US has these weapons in other European states and that it is not in breach of treaties.

The New START covers tactical weapons. 

The parties reaffirm that the Non-Proliferation Treaty is the cornerstone of the international nuclear disarmament and international non-proliferation regime.

The parties reaffirm their commitment to their obligations under the Treaty and will continue to coordinate their efforts to preserve and strengthen the Treaty in the interest of maintaining international peace and security.

Both Parties expressed their deep concern about the consequences and risks for regional strategic stability arising from the establishment of the

United States-UK-Australia Trilateral Partnership for Security (AUKUS)

, as well as the related cooperative program on propulsion submarines. nuclear.

These Parties strongly urge AUKUS Member States to strictly comply with their obligations regarding the non-proliferation of weapons of mass destruction and their delivery devices, and to maintain regional peace, stability and development.

Both countries have repeatedly expressed their reservations to this pact signed in 2021 by Australia, the United Kingdom and the United States.

Two weeks ago, the triple entente announced a detailed plan to develop nuclear-powered submarines in Australia.

China claims that this alliance will unleash an "arms race" in the Pacific region and that the future transfer of atomic technology from the US and UK to Australia is contrary to international non-proliferation agreements.

Russia has joined the Chinese concern.

It should be stressed that the nuclear technology in question only concerns engine propulsion, it has nothing to do with weapons.

Rusia y China expresan su preocupación por la aceleración de la construcción de un sistema antimisiles global y el despliegue de sistemas antimisiles en todo el mundo, el fortalecimiento de la desactivación de la capacidad de ataque estratégico con armas no nucleares de alta precisión y el avance del despliegue de misiles terrestres de alcance intermedio y de corto y medio alcance en las regiones de Asia-Pacífico y Europa y su suministro a sus aliados, e instan a Estados Unidos a que deje de socavar la seguridad internacional y regional y la estabilidad estratégica global para mantener su propia superioridad militar unilateral.

The United States bears the responsibility for withdrawing in 2001, under Bush Jr., from a major anti-ballistic missile control treaty.

All the powers are caught up in the race.

Putin announced in his 2018 address to the nation a new generation of weapons "that nobody has": hypersonic missiles, nuclear submarine drones and rockets capable of evading any missile shield by suddenly changing direction.

China made tests last year that show its high capacities in this sector.

(...)

Eight

(...)

Nine

The Parties consider that the purposes and principles of the Charter of the United Nations and international law must be respected.

The Russian Side appreciates the objective and impartial position of the Chinese Side on the Ukrainian question.

China, que nunca ha condenado la invasión perpetrada por Rusia en Ucrania, pero tampoco ha proporcionado armas letales a Moscú, ha tratado de ejercer desde el principio un complejo equilibrio escorado hacia Moscú. En ese marco, nunca ha reconocido ni la anexión ilegal de Crimea de 2014, ni la independencia de las autoproclamadas repúblicas de Donetsk y Lugansk, pero sí crítica las sanciones impuestas a Rusia o el apoyo militar occidental a Ucrania. Putin agradece a Xi esa "posición objetiva", propia de la relación de amistad "sin límites" sellada solo tres semanas antes de que los tanques rusos entraran en Ucrania.

Las Partes se oponen a que cualquier Estado y sus bloques perjudiquen los legítimos intereses de seguridad de otros países con el objetivo de obtener ventajas militares, políticas o de otra índole. La Parte China elogia la voluntad de la Parte Rusa de esforzarse por reanudar las conversaciones de paz lo antes posible.

Tras la ruptura de las negociaciones de Estambul en marzo de 2022, Moscú se ha mostrado inflexible a la hora de volver a la mesa de negociaciones. El Kremlin exige que Kiev reconozca "la nueva realidad territorial" tras su anexión formal en septiembre de cuatro regiones ucranias que no controla del todo, Donetsk, Lugansk, Jersón y Zaporiyia, más Crimea.

Rusia acoge con satisfacción la voluntad de China de desempeñar un papel positivo en la solución política y diplomática de la crisis ucraniana y las consideraciones constructivas expuestas en el documento elaborado por la Parte China, titulado “La Posición de China sobre una solución política de la crisis ucraniana”.

En febrero, en coincidencia con el aniversario de la invasión, China publicó un documento en el que afirma la importancia de respetar la "soberanía, la independencia y la integridad territorial de todos los países". El texto no contempla ninguna medida práctica, y ha sido recibido con escepticismo por Estados Unidos, Bruselas y la OTAN; Ucrania fue parca en su respuesta, está a la espera de una posible conversación entre Xi y su homólogo ucranio, Volodímir Zelenski.

Las Partes señalan que una solución a la crisis ucraniana exige respetar las legítimas preocupaciones de seguridad de todos los países y evitar la formación de una confrontación basada en bloques, poniendo fin a las acciones que contribuyan a avivar aún más el conflicto.

Uno de los argumentos de Rusia para invadir Ucrania fue la ampliación de la OTAN hacia el este. Durante las negociaciones previas a la guerra, el Kremlin exigió la expulsión de todos los miembros incorporados desde 1997. Es decir, todos los países al este de Alemania, desde los bálticos y Polonia a Rumanía.

Ambas Partes subrayan que el diálogo responsable es la mejor manera de encontrar una solución sostenible a la crisis ucraniana y que la comunidad internacional debe apoyar los esfuerzos constructivos en este sentido.

Dichas Partes piden el cese de todas las medidas que contribuyan a la escalada de la tensión y a la prolongación de las hostilidades, para evitar una mayor degradación de la crisis hasta su transición a una fase incontrolable. Además, Ambas Partes se oponen a todas las sanciones unilaterales impuestas eludiendo al Consejo de Seguridad de las Naciones Unidas.

Las Partes insisten en que la OTAN debe cumplir estrictamente sus compromisos relativos al carácter regional y de defensa de esta Organización. Piden a la OTAN que respete la soberanía, la seguridad y los intereses de otros Estados y su diversidad civilizacional, histórica y cultural, pero también que adopte una actitud objetiva e imparcial hacia el desarrollo pacífico de otros Estados.

La parte rusa se aferra en su relato a la supuesta promesa que hizo en 1990 el entonces secretario de Estado estadounidense, James Baker, al presidente soviético, Mijaíl Gorbachov, de que la OTAN no se expandiría al este de Alemania. Sin embargo, esta aseveración nunca se tradujo en ningún pacto escrito.

Las Partes expresaron su honda preocupación por el continuo fortalecimiento de los lazos militares y de seguridad de la OTAN con los países de Asia-Pacífico, que socava la paz y la estabilidad regionales.

En enero, Japón y la OTAN firmaron una declaración para estrechar aún más sus lazos. Por primera vez, varios países asiáticos fueron invitados a una cumbre de la Alianza, en ocasión de su reunión en Madrid en el verano pasado.

Ambas partes se opusieron a la creación de una estructura de bloque cerrada y exclusiva en la región Asia-Pacífico, que crea una política de bloques y confrontación entre bandos. Dichas Partes señalan que Estados Unidos se aferra a la mentalidad de la Guerra Fría y persigue la Estrategia Indo-Pacífica, que tiene un impacto negativo en la paz y la estabilidad de la región. China y Rusia se han comprometido a construir un sistema de seguridad igualitario, abierto e integrador en la región Asia-Pacífico que no tenga como objetivo a terceros países, con el fin de mantener la paz, la estabilidad y la prosperidad regionales.

En la cumbre de junio, en Madrid, la OTAN nombró por primera vez a China en su Concepto Estratégico y la acusó de tratar de "subvertir el orden internacional", posando su mirada con mayor intensidad en la región de Asia-Pacífico. A Rusia la denomina una "amenaza". Y la Alianza ve con preocupación la "profundización en la asociación estratégica" entre ambas.

Ambas Partes consideran que el mantenimiento de la paz y la estabilidad en el noreste de Asia redunda en interés de todas las partes implicadas. Dichas Partes se oponen a las fuerzas militares extraterritoriales que socavan la paz y la estabilidad regionales y piden a los países afectados que abandonen la mentalidad de la Guerra Fría y los prejuicios ideológicos, actúen con moderación y se abstengan de realizar acciones que pongan en peligro la seguridad regional.

Un llamamiento a evitar una potencial crisis en una de las regiones más inflamables del planeta, con muchos elementos cuya lectura puede hacerse en paralelo a Ucrania. Taiwán, la isla en la que chocan Estados Unidos y China, se encuentra en el epicentro de esa tensión, pero hay otros elementos regionales enquistados, como la persistente amenaza nuclear y balística de Corea del Norte.

(...)

El Presidente de la República Popular China, El Presidente de la Federación Rusa

Xi Jinping, V. V. Putin


Traducción de Amelia Serraller Calvo

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Source: elparis

All news articles on 2023-03-26

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