The
annihilation
of Minister Fernández to threaten, under the rhetorical disguise of a warning, that
if the opposition wins there will be more corpses than in Ukraine,
it was not a distraction but an exact aim only disguised in case there is someone distracted: in the government and in the old politics He continues to believe that one noise dislodges another and, if it is loud, much better.
Hannibal, an apocalyptic oracle, predicted that "the streets will be watered with blood and the dead."
The 70s are a
past that for Kirchnerism never seems distant but it has been a long time since such a thing was heard
.
This time there was something else: they knew that March inflation would not be 7, or around 7, as almost everyone expected, but around 8. Because that is 7.7: almost 8.
And further and further from the 3 that Massa had promised, precisely, for March.
A 3 that made the assumption of super-minister Massa stranded the helicopter a day before the government had to get on it, according to the diagnosis-prognosis of former minister Ferraresi, already back at his mayor's office in Avellaneda.
Massa achieved the highest super figure in the last twenty years, which
sounds like a goodbye to his claims to be Cristina Kirchner's candidate
.
If Aníbal Fernández sought to scare with blood and death, he could well have calculated that his thing could be taken as a preview of officialist plans.
They already denounced it.
He was also able to calculate that with so much inflation and so much insecurity
it is very difficult to know if there is room for more fear.
In the government they will believe so.
But
the fear that enters is in the government itself,
which sees itself looking not at second but at third place in the elections.
The shots, the dead and the robberies are those that do continue without any fear.
On Thursday they even stabbed an inspector, who is still a bus driver, no less than in the middle of July 9 and Rivadavia.
More central to the City, impossible.
And on top of that came the 7.7 that follows the February 6.6, which follows the January 6.
Bump up.
Massa is silent or manages to be outside when the figures do not agree.
With that he stretches the expiration date of his promise.
He is still in the North, as usual, passing the cap.
On Friday, the spokeswoman Cerruti explained the deep reasons for the number that represents the worst moment of the impact of the war and the worst drought, etc.
In January she had ensured that the country was on the right path, etc.
Poor
Cerruti: she no longer knows what to say.
That's why Hannibal leaves.
Also Kicillof, who wants to explain that the right is coming to get rights and joins the clamor for the innocence or candidacy of his boss Cristina.
Suddenly,
the entire government sees the future of others more clearly than its own
.
Rossi, chief of ministers, waters what was watered by the blood predicted by his minister of... Security: if the opposition wins, inflation and poverty will double.
It is a catchphrase that sounds strong but
to double the inflation and poverty that they are leaving behind, another Kirchner administration would be needed
.
The strange thing is that it does not seem strange to them that they have so much vision for the future and with the past and the present they do not hit a single one.
It's a campaign tactic.
After almost three and a half years of horrible government, they need to bet on polarization and fear.
Her clientele is fearful and rightly so: she does not belong to the circle that has dollars in the mattress.
Live from the plan and that's why you have to try to scare them.
Be careful: they come to take them off and much more.
The plan or calculation can be summarized as follows: if the economy does not explode, Peronism and Kirchnerism can retain 30% of the votes, and with that they dream of qualifying for the runoff.
Just in case it's a dream, there is the reappearance of Cristina, insurmountable with her speech, even though Aníbal believes that she can match him.
He has just confessed that
she is not there to take care of her grandchildren, like so many other grandmothers, the common ones
.
It is not known what she is for.
Those of the Pro, more than grateful.
Their internal hubbub, which at this point exceeds that of the radicals, had displaced that of the Ks from the agenda.
Let's review the Kramer versus Kramer de Larreta with Macri.
For starters, the rational side of him.
Macri dropped out of the candidacy even though he had great chances of winning the internship.
There was unanimous applause for his resignation.
He believed that he was left with more power to order the troops.
He was wrong.
Larreta saw his
presidential aspiration going down
in the polls while Bullrich rose, undeniably garnering sympathy from the now boss or former boss Mauricio.
He became convinced that he should break that process.
Break more than stop.
Give a test, even if late, of character and get a boss plate
.
He had tried it in 2021, when he put Santilli and Vidal as candidates without notifying Macri and then ignored Macri in the victory celebration.
Now, without notifying either Macri or Bullrich or Vidal,
he cut himself off
with a concurrent election that benefits his radical allies Lousteau and Yacobitti.
Larreta says: I did what the law mandates.
In reality, the law also allowed him to call a simultaneous election that would have favored his own party, as Macri claimed.
Larreta chose the legality that best suited her
.
He privileged his candidacy for the Pro's permanence in the City.
He had doubts until the end: he recorded four versions with
different electoral proposals.
Emotional issues are also there and weigh heavily
.
Larreta worked with Macri since the founding of the Pro. Before inheriting the mayor's seat, he was his chief of staff.
Knowing each other for a long time is not synonymous with friendship.
In that relationship of so many years, neither of them lacked a good enough reason to fight.
And to hold a grudge.
At one point, that relationship was broken.
Larreta did not feel where she wanted to be.
And his people asked him to stand up to Macri.
This week they celebrated.
You finally did what you had to do.
Other messages were just mandatory enthusiasm.
Others think that he went too far and messed up.
For both of them, a complicated period of resentment
begins
.
It is unlikely that they will meet again in the same place.
Larreta put his anti-crack speech in the bag and cracked within the Pro against Macri
, who will have high rejections in the polls but reaps the greatest support within the Pro. He is the one with the most weight.
A key piece is María Eugenia Vidal, who was Larreta's kidney and is now the hardest to criticize him.
Everyone will go in search of radical support.
Larreta has an agreement with the Morales faction and the Buenos Aires radicalism.
Bullrich, with the Mendoza.
The urgent thing: resolve the candidates in the City and in the Province.
Everything is mixed up.
Santilli, candidate for governor, is the president of Pro Buenos Aires and Jorge Macri, candidate for head of government, presides over Pro of Buenos Aires.
Larreta presents himself as someone who flees from extremes and goes out to seek non-macrista votes.
It will work?
For him it will be glory or go home.
