Thierry Vincent is an investigative journalist, specialist in political radicalism (ultra-right and ultra-left) and author of the book
In the head of the black blocks, truths and received ideas
.
THE
FIGARO.
- In France, the antifas have often raged during the demonstrations linked to the pension reform, punctuating the end of many parades with burning of garbage cans, depredations of streets, violence.
We also saw them in Sainte-Soline.
Is their influence limited to the margins of the left?
Thierry VINCENT.
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It is not about antifas strictly speaking, but about black bloc activists, black bloc being a radical practice of demonstration consisting in anonymizing oneself by dressing all in black, in an identical way, and to attack the symbols of capitalism and the forces of order.
There are antifa among them, but also all the different tendencies of the anti-capitalist far left, now including radical ecologists.
Read alsoBetween dream of “big night” and hatred of “cops”, journey to the heart of a “black-block”
Initially, this modus operandi remained confined to a very ideologically structured revolutionary extreme left, with a very acute political culture.
This militant milieu has always existed, but remained marginal.
But things are changing: it started with the "yellow vests", some of whom joined the bloc, and it is growing with the movement against pension reform.
More popular circles, less ideologized at the start, ordinary people, have joined the bloc, or support it.
It should be noted that despite the violence and degradation committed during the demonstration, popular support for the social movement has not weakened.
However, in general, breakage is unpopular and generates a phenomenon of rejection.
This is no longer the case now.
Emmanuel Macron had probably bet on a deterioration of the movement, but he
Is this nebula spreading or, conversely, is it becoming more and more cornified? For what ?
Radicality infuses opponents of pension reform.
On May 1, I was next to the radicals who ransacked the banks and clashed with the police.
They were 2000 according to Gérald Darmanin, which is an absolute record.
But, and this is the most important, they were surrounded by about 20,000 people making up the lead procession.
The people marching in this "pre-cortege", outside the unions, thus show their support for the black bloc, or in any case a certain understanding.
Most don't do anything illegal chant
"ACAB"
and
"everyone hates the police"
, they applaud bank rundowns or at least don't disapprove.
By ignoring the classic intermediate bodies like the unions, the power made the radical discourse convincing and gave it great resonance.
thierry vincent
Among them, trade unionists and ordinary French people.
I have seen a man in his fifties with his face uncovered throwing a projectile at the police, or seemingly peaceful mothers keeping watch to warn the black blocs of the arrival of the police.
What happened on May 1 in the procession is neither more nor less than a riot.
There are not 2,000 madmen on one side and the nice demonstrators marching quietly within the usual authorized frameworks on the other.
In this respect, the formula of the Revue radicale
Lundi Matin
, very popular in this nebula, seems to me quite fair:
"it is not the demonstration that overflows, it is the overflow that manifests"
.
There is a whole gradation of social anger, of which the black bloc is only the most radical and spectacular tip.
Does the rise of radical, non-institutionalized movements go hand in hand with the collapse of intermediary bodies (unions, radical left parties, etc.)?
Yes.
Finally, Emmanuel Macron is the best recruiting agent of the black blocks.
What are radical activists saying?
That scrolling from point A to bridge B from such an hour to such an hour with your glass of beer and your merguez sandwich, to the rhythm of the union sound systems, does not allow you to obtain anything, and that a certain a dose of radicalism, even violence, is necessary.
By ignoring the classic intermediary bodies such as the unions, the power made this discourse convincing and gave it great resonance.
As for Mélenchon, let's stop fantasizing.
There is no link between LFI and the black blocs, I have never seen a bloc activist member of LFI.
In 2017, for example, some radicals even attacked a meeting in Mélenchon.
thierry vincent
By shifting the radicality slider, is antifa also a way for radical left parties to normalize?
On the contrary, with a certain bad faith, but it's fair game, the majority, the right and the extreme right take advantage of it to demonize the left and liken it to riot violence.
It's totally off the mark, the radicals hate this institutional left, and the latter has nothing more to say.
When she was in power, she also had liberal measures adopted, such as the labor law in 2016. It was also at the time of the social movement against this law that the black blocs appeared massively in France.
They therefore appeared by mobilizing against a leftist movement.
Read alsoMay 1: despite the processions, the executive foresees a lull
As for Mélenchon, let's stop fantasizing.
There is no link between LFI and the black blocs, I have never seen a bloc activist member of LFI.
In 2017, for example, some radicals even attacked a meeting in Mélenchon.
Contrary to the discourse we hear from many politicians, it is not Mélenchon who excites the black blocs and the demonstrators, it is rather the opposite: if Mélenchon's discourse is more radical, it is because in a wise politician, he follows what he thinks is the radicalization of part of his electorate.
He tries to recover a movement that has become more and more radical.
It is in my opinion a waste of time.
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