It was known that if Cristina Kirchner resigned her time to give an extensive interview like the one she gave last week, beyond assimilating to a talk with relatives in her office at the Instituto Patria, it was in order to lower a political message. He made it clear that his communication strategy involves raising the actions of the libertarian Javier Milei with a single objective: to relegate Together for Change to third place so that it does not enter the presidential runoff. Quite a manifestation of weakness.
"This election is going to be atypical. They are elections of thirds, where the important thing more than the roof is the floor to enter the second round, "he said.
"I don't see three thirds mathematically, because my latest works give Together for Change 35% and with respect to Milei there are 8 points of difference. There are three parts. But for the ruling party today everything is a risk, even inflating Milei, who was a threat to the opposition but has filtered into sectors of the lower middle class, and lower, and is also a threat to the ruling party," consultant Carlos Fara, president of Fara & Asociados, told Clarín.
For Fara it is clear that Cristina's bet "is to put things very white on black, make sure to reach the second round through a moderate version of the Frente de Todos and have Milei in front of her, which is an absolute question from every point of view." The moderate version closes if the presidential candidate of Kirchnerism were Sergio Massa or Eduardo "Wado" de Pedro. It is not if the chosen one is Axel Kicillof, whom they consider ultra-Christian but who would be practically impossible to fish moderate voters.
Javier Milei, presidential candidate. Photo: Reuters/Agustin Marcarian
"We know that things are very bad and that there is not much to do between now and the elections. But still, who would you vote for if the option is Massa or Milei?" summarizes a Kirchner operator. That is the Christian fantasy, to arrive at a dilemma similar to what French society once had. When in 2017, in a second round, the centrist leader Jacques Chirac and the far-right Jean Marie Le Pen had to dispute the presidency. That Chirac won by more than 82%, with the vote of the French left that called to vote for him.
The interview with C5N was also the second time Cristina alluded to Milei, without naming him. The previous one, in the act in La Plata, where he referred to "mamarrachos who go around saying that the caste is afraid." Difficult for the ideological narrative of Kirchnerism and the defined enemies it has, not to mention Milei or even confront him periodically.
The libertarian has a long list of reasonsto be repudiated by Kirchnerism: he alludes to the state terrorism of the last dictatorship as "a war"; assures that "it is a lie" the number of 30,<> disappeared; advised national deputy Antonio Domingo Bussi, a former general accused of crimes against humanity during the military regime; he has as a candidate in Tucumán his son, Ricardo Bussi, who preaches the free bearing of arms; and takes Victoria Villarruel as vice-president, who rejects some military sentences for illegal repression and said that if it depended on her, she would repeal the law that decriminalizes abortion. However, with a few exceptions, not even Cristina Kirchner mentions it, except to put it on the electoral podium.
In parallel, Milei has managed to divide Together for Change, which is imprisoned by the labyrinth of the lack of a leader or a collegial table with a defined leadership. Horacio Rodríguez Larreta, the radicalism and Elisa Carrió have been permanent victims of Milei's grievances. Larreta has been called "lefty shit" and "sorete"; the "useless" radicals, to the point of refusing to greet Martin Lousteau in a TV studio; and about Carrio he said that if she were president she would go into exile because she is part of the caste and "has been living from politics for 30 years."
On the other hand, Mauricio Macri and Patricia Bullrich have sent several gestures of rapprochement to the leader of Libertad Avanza, because his profile blends more with the right-wing voter. Joaquín de la Torre, when he was still in the race to be Patricia's candidate in the PASO of the opposition coalition, proclaimed that it was necessary to go to an alliance with Milei.
Mauricio Macri and Patricia Bullrich at the dinner of the Freedom Foundation.
Meanwhile, the former president, last month, did the same as Cristina Kirchner: put Milei on the podium. He considered that in the presidential runoff would be the candidate of Together for Change and Milei, relegating Kirchnerism to third place.
What Macri has also begun to do several months ago, even before announcing his decline from the presidential candidacy, was to define his preferences. At least three important leaders of the PRO, with a national and Buenos Aires profile, have been asked to support Bullrich's candidacy and have slipped that they could become part of an eventual cabinet of the former Minister of Security, if she reaches the Casa Rosada. Although Bullrich takes care to clarify that no one arms the equipment, Macri has said: "I will have more to do with the assembly of Patricia's cabinet, not with that of Horacio if he arrives."
This opens up an uncertain scenario, in which the Together for Change brand is no longer enough to guarantee votes. Today there is no certainty that the sum of votes of Larreta, Bullrich and Gerardo Morales or Facundo Manes will go to the winner of the PASO in JxC. Most likely, it is estimated, there is a leak.
See also
The hot potato that Cristina released
See also
The Kirchner governments reaped the highest level of corruption since 1983