And here is the forecast. There is no chance that the Biden administration will bring about a breakthrough between Israel and Saudi Arabia. To put it another way, the likelihood that Biden will bring about such a historic turnaround is the same as the possibility that he will order a military attack on Iran's nuclear facilities. In both cases, it's a fraction of a percent.
How do you know this? This week, when the United States chastised Israel for "breaking promises" over the resumption of settlement in Homesh, the American Jewish community was outraged by an entirely different matter. And please don't yawn, it's very relevant to us.
After months of anticipation, Biden released "First Presidential Plan to Combat Antisemitism" following unprecedented waves of antisemitism in the United States. In an interview with Israel Hayom, he said, "For four or five years I have felt insecure as a Jew in America. When I take my 5-year-old daughter to synagogue, the first thing we do is look for the emergency exit... The history of anti-Semitism is such that Jews in every country knew they would have to leave at a minute's notice."
To Biden's credit, he did not try to embellish or whitewash the situation. The incumbent president is a Zionist, loves Israel from the Kishkes and has Jewish grandchildren. He therefore spoke strongly against anti-Semitism and, as stated, ordered the formulation of a presidential plan to combat it. But the disappointment is great. There is indeed a plan and text of great importance.
Only the actions, typical of the Biden administration, are a bit vague. "President Biden has paid significant attention to addressing anti-Semitism. It's commendable," said Kenneth Marcus, a researcher of antisemitism and chairman of the Louis Brandeis Center for Human Rights under U.S. law.
"Biden's strategy is impressively broad, providing a large number of programs and policies to address antisemitism, such as increasing support for education about Jewish heritage and the Holocaust. The emphasis on physical security for synagogues and other Jewish institutions is also welcome and, unfortunately, very necessary."
After the praise, comes the mourning. "The Biden administration has also adopted the IHRA Task Force's definition of antisemitism but unfortunately mixed it with lower standards. Most worryingly, the administration appears to be backing away from a longstanding commitment to issue regulations to combat antisemitism. The Biden administration has repeatedly promised to issue Education Department regulations that apply executive orders to combat antisemitism. The failure of the White House to mention this crucial activity is very disappointing. So the rhetoric is very strong and the intention is good, but the essence doesn't always exist."
Not in our school
Marcos, who has held human rights roles in the George W. Bush and Trump administrations, is not alone in criticizing the Biden administration's half the work. The Jewish establishment welcomed the plan launched by the White House. But other groups, such as the Stop Anti-Semitism forum, expressed disappointment.
The forum, which has always taken a firmer line in combating Jew-hatred in America and was one of the first to identify the wave we are undergoing, wrote that it is "deeply troubled by several key aspects of the White House's anti-Semitism strategy. The crisis of Jew-hatred in our country must be dealt with clearly and as a phenomenon in itself, and the Biden administration's plan fails in every way."
Although dozens of countries around the world, much less close to Israel than the United States, have done so in recent years, our great ally is not going all the way. Yes, Biden's America refuses to say that anti-Zionism is anti-Semitism
"Contrary to recommendations, the program does not use the IHRA definition to define what constitutes antisemitism," the forum said. Instead, it relegates it to a short paragraph that also includes the competing inferior definition. If we can't name the problem and identify it, we can't start solving it. Not using the IHRA definition opens a hole in the president's plan. While it recognizes that Jews are a focus of hatred because of their connection to Israel, it fails to define anti-Zionism as a central form of anti-Semitism."
And that's the crux of the matter. The American Zionist president did not insist that anti-Zionism be considered a definition of anti-Semitism. This is despite the fact that dozens of countries around the world, much less close to Israel, have done so in recent years. Disappointingly, our great ally is not going all the way. Yes, Biden's America refuses to say that anti-Zionism is anti-Semitism, even though that is what the IHRA definition says.
Why was it necessary to stick to the IHRA definition of antisemitism as binding? The reasons for this are many. IHRA has become a global index. If the U.S. doesn't live up to it, who does. In addition, through this definition, campus administrations of institutions of higher education will have the tools to enforce disciplinary action against those who harm Jews or supporters of Israel on campus. When there is no binding definition, each institution will continue to adopt an independent policy, meaning that Israel-haters can continue to run wild.
Tug of war
What Biden is doing and not doing on the issue of anti-Semitism predicts his future moves regarding Saudi Arabia. In order to bring about a breakthrough between Jerusalem and Riyadh, Biden must go all the way, turning the policy toward Mohammed bin Salman from a cold distance to a warm embrace. This requires courage, strength and the ability to go against the grain. The reality is that he hasn't been there for months.
His laxity on the anti-Semitic or Saudi issue is very reminiscent of his approach to Iran. All indications show that Biden has no intention of taking action. While he has stated hundreds of times that he will not allow Iran to acquire nuclear weapons, on his watch, Tehran is closer to a bomb than ever.
And it was his Joint Chiefs of Staff who said in a disturbing statement to Congress that the United States "will not allow Iran to deploy nuclear weapons." That is, develop already yes and only deploy no. This statement should turn on all the red lights in Israel, and make it clear to her that just like on the issue of anti-Semitism, Biden may want to but cannot.
In fact, anyone who follows the news in the United States knows that in no area does Biden go all the way. In the war in Ukraine, in an effort to stop illegal immigration to the United States, or even this week in his drag behind Republican House Majority Leader Kevin McCarthy in the battle to approve the U.S. state budget. A skilled politician, he reconciles hawkish groups and maneuvers pressure, but unconventional decisions do not characterize his presidency.
"On both issues (the war on anti-Semitism and the Iranian challenge), there is a struggle between two different camps within the administration – center-left and far-left," said Richard Goldberg, a senior adviser at the Foundation for the Defense of Democracy in the United States and a former Trump administration official.
"Those who push for the adoption of the IHRA definition or a tougher line on Iran are pushed out by those who opposed the IHRA and support a worse deal with Iran. Therefore, in both cases, it ends with such a mixed policy, full of contradictions and internal contradictions," Goldberg explains.
The conclusion is clear where. Anyone who cannot go all the way if his inner faith in a relatively simple issue such as anti-Semitism, to which he is committed from the blood of his heart, will certainly not do so on fateful issues, when the establishment opposes and the party, at least in part, revolts.
It's a shame to live in illusions. There is no chance of peace with Saudi Arabia in Biden's current term. On the other hand, with regard to Iran, we do not have the luxury of waiting until January 2025.
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