The place of the extreme right

What position should be taken against the extreme right? The question occupies a central place in the national debate of our Gallic neighbours. Don't you find it endearing? Here we have already passed that screen: of European exception for being one of the countries without ultra forces just five years ago, we see ourselves happily contemplating how we announce the electoral results with "pactometers", discarding or anticipating the places where the PP will govern with Vox. It will be that things here arrive late but happen very quickly, and while in nearby countries the debate on the extreme right continues to raise national passions, here governing with Vox is a normalized possibility.

The controversy has settled in France because Macron disavowed his prime minister, Elisabeth Borne, for the "historical and moral" arguments he used to discredit Le Pen's party. The daughter of a Holocaust survivor, Borne declared that the National Front is "heir to Pétain" and bearer of a "dangerous ideology" that should not be trivialized. Macron, for his part, thinks that we must fight against that party for what it does and the policies it proposes. The National Front is the fruit of its history, and yes, it was founded by collaborationist Petainists and typejos such as Pierre Bousquet, a former member of the SS. Saying this should not be incompatible with revealing Le Pen's ineptitude for political management, as Macron did in his presidential debates. Elisabeth Borne claims historical and moral memory to show that the ideology of the National Front has at its root a dangerous nativist nationalism that the far right is also propagating in Europe. But the interesting thing about this debate is that (in addition to occurring, which does not happen in Spain) it reflects two absolutely legitimate positions that should not be mutually exclusive in a European context marked by the advance of the extreme right and its normalization.

A PP government with Vox would mean giving an increasingly thick layer of varnish to the naturalization of the pacts of the conservatives with the far right in Europe, supported by a Manfred Weber who, feeling more Spanish than German, has decided to pass screen with the theme of historical memory. We do not know how an Executive of Feijóo with Abascal would behave in Europe. Climate denialism? Fostering anti-immigrant sentiment? We do know, however, that Abascal's European colleagues, such as Poland's Mateusz Morawiecki and Hungary's Viktor Orbán, not only wage culture wars and roll back the rights of women and minorities, but have blocked recovery funds. Also the Italian Meloni, honorary member of the great ultra family, legally maneuvers to limit the control of the Court of Auditors over the recovery funds, of which, by the way, it also has 19,000 million blocked. These are not moral arguments, they go to the heart of their concrete policies, but above all they remind us that what we should never do with the far right, both because of the implications in our country and because of the European derivations, is to trivialize it.

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