"They're willing to do anything." A hawkish interlocutor thus defines the attempt of the "dove" wing to add Juan Schiaretti and José Luis Espert to the ranks of Together for Change. The roles were reversed, or at least it seems, in the logic of the PRO. The hard sector tries to maintain a certain purity in the armed party and the so-called light bet strongly with bombastic incomes, which still have to pass that filter.
In between, cross-accusations. "Always, in life, the one who wants to change the rules of the game is the one who loses," shoots a "patrician" about the Larretista play. In the environment of Patricia Bullrich they assure that the former president of the PRO has been dotting all the polls and speak of "desperate movements" of Horacio Rodríguez Larreta in his eagerness to be president.
On the opposite side, they highlight the message that the head of government himself publicly lowered. "To ensure victory in October, or in a runoff, but also to be a government later, we must expand," they launch.
And some remember that at the time the purest hawks did not hesitate to approve the arrival of Miguel Pichetto, a former PJ senator key in Congress during the governments of Cristina Kirchner, the same one who met with Larreta on Monday. "No one was horrified there, and now we cannot negotiate a deal with Schiaretti."
Horacio Rodríguez Larreta and Miguel Pichetto met on Monday.
The regulatory definition
There is a regulatory point on which many disagree on one side and the other of the PRO. It has to do with the need to approve any entry into the framework of the party's National Assembly, a structure that has leaders from all over the country, but in which the national referents end up influencing by their own weight.
Other times, with Rodríguez Larreta and Bullrich embraced. Photo: Rolando Andrade Stracuzzi.
Close to Rodríguez Larreta, they assure that this route is the logical way to define any partisan position before going to sit down with the national table of Together for Change. And that any attempt at a decision that the president of the PRO may raise, at that coalition summit, will be invalidated if the assembly meets and decides otherwise.
In that sense, they give as an example what happened in Salta before the provincial elections, when Bullrich herself closed agreements that later the national party assembly ended up pulling back. If there is a quorum there, any decision will be approved, they say, although the poroteo is uncertain.
Close to Bullrich, they argue that the Assembly has already met and that the closed agreements were signed jointly by the president of the PRO, Angelini, dolphin of Macri and Bullrich, and the secretary of the party, man of the larretismo, Eduardo Machiavelli.
How the assembly works
According to Article 78 of the Organic Charter of the PRO, the assembly is the highest party authority and represents the sovereignty of the affiliates of each district party. Its members shall hold office for four years and shall be elected by secret and direct vote of the members of each district party.
Article 79 emphasizes that "the members of the Board of Directors and, if they are members of the Party, the President and Vice President of the Nation, the Deputies and Senators of the Nation and the Governors and the Head of Government of the Autonomous City of Buenos Aires may participate with voice but without vote in all sessions of the Assembly."
In addition, according to article 80, "the sessions of the Assembly shall be public but only its members, those authorized in the preceding article and those expressly authorized by the Assembly, may speak.
Article 81, meanwhile, establishes the number of assembly members that corresponds to each district. It is described that there are four incumbent assembly members per district, but that those with more than 4,000 members will add an extra one for every 500 more they have, until reaching a maximum of 20 assembly members.