Everything will end up being known. And it will not be long, as happened with the crimes of Stalinism, denounced by the Soviet regime itself after the death of the dictator. Nor like the Katyn massacre, in which Stalin's political police executed the entire political, military and intellectual elite of Poland and then endorsed Hitler with the crime, in an operation also clandestine only recognized almost half a century later with the fall of communism.
Our time is different. Soon the material evidence will come out and it is even likely that the names of the artificers who planted the explosives will be known. The war crime is there for all to see. The destruction of the New Kakhovka dam meets the criteria for such a crime, since its effects on population, agriculture, urban centres, the environment and security far exceed any minimum reasonable and civilized restraint that can be expected from an activity as unreasonable and civilized as any war.
Sometimes, a man-made catastrophe of this size aims to improve a military position. It is a fact and a significant indication that the Russian army, thanks to the flood, has shortened the front by 300 kilometers and stopped at least for the moment the possibility of an offensive in the direction of Crimea. It is strange to think that it was the Ukrainian military who were responsible for a tactical action so harmful to the population and even to the physical reality of the country for whose sovereignty, territorial integrity and independence they are fighting, in which they also lose the initiative and tactical advantage offered by any offensive. Ukraine cannot be loved by someone capable of triggering this catastrophe, and even less so if it is Putin, who considers it an inseparable part of the Russian family since time immemorial.
It is easier to understand that it is someone obsessed with the expansion and possession of territories, perhaps the most characteristic psychological syndrome of terrestrial imperialism, who is willing to raze an entire country, with its population inside, rather than be dispossessed of its dominion. He has done so on other occasions, in Chechnya or Syria, and his ideas and purposes about Ukraine are known, whose existence as a differentiated nation with the right to dispose of its destiny he considers an aberration. Putin attributes to the Soviet Union the construction of the Ukraine we know today, from its first independence in 1917 to the current one in 1991, including in it infrastructure, agriculture and a powerful industry inseparable from Soviet history and even a very substantial part of the economic power of the communist superpower.
It may be only tactical necessity that has advised such devastating destruction and such long consequences, but it may also be the announcement of a looming defeat. It is significant that the Black Sea fleet, usually in Sevastopol, has begun to move towards the port of Novorossiysk, in Russia's Krasnodar region, in prevention of the fall of Crimea. As the spiteful and criminal lover, Putin has failed to murder the country and perhaps now, before abandoning the part he still occupies, he prefers to destroy it. From his possessive mind he considers that Russia rightfully destroys what has always been theirs. Rather dead than in the hands of another.
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