The wave of political reconfiguration shaking the world is flooding these beaches. The stage of coalitions is still in full swing, but within them a realignment phenomenon is taking place. It is not exclusive to political parties or their remnants, if you prefer, but the fragmentation and crisis of representativeness challenges the entire society, which is immersed in the immediacy of its needs and in the uncertainty of its future. That is the general framework within which new and old tendencies are expressed, leaderships are questioned and other players appear: the crises in the coalitions – Frente de Todos, Juntos por el Cambio – are not only a reflection of a vanity fair, which is not a minor factor, but they impudently exhibit the absence of institutional mechanisms to resolve central issues for these political spaces.
For some, Cristina's finger seems no longer enough. For others, the differences in Together for Change that some call the "sincerity" of two models that have coexisted for a long time exploded and added another crack to the larger rift that remains the ordering axis of Argentine politics.
It is sufficiently proven with the governments of Mauricio Macri and Alberto Fernández that coalitions that are put together to win elections do not serve to govern. And that they have been formed at the expense of the adversary.
Today, the greatest stimulus for Peronism is to sow fear about the "return of the right", that is, Together for Change, thus trying to make economic deterioration and inflation pass into the background. But at the same time that they raise that slogan they light candles to the candidacy of Sergio Massa, the minister-president, who cannot lower the cost of living or alleviate the shortage of dollars for production, and is the most identified with the United States, a reference that indigests a thick strip of Kirchnerism.
If there is something that does not bother, when it is needed, it is contradictions such as the one expressed above.
The fierce opposition to the incorporation of the governor of Córdoba into the opposition coalition is another similar case. For example, there are many strong indications that in 2019 Mauricio Macri planned to have Schiaretti accompany him in the formula as vice president. That place was later occupied by Miguel Pichetto, who was a faithful leader of the Peronist senators' bloc during the governments of Menem, Nestor and Cristina Kirchner. Then,Pichetto's wall jump was greeted by Macri, Bullrich and Rodríguez Larreta.
There are plenty of such examples, some odious, when corpuscular examinations are made that camouflage personal political calculations and exclusionary leadership.
Rodríguez Larreta made explicit his project to expand the coalition with Schiaretti. The biggest challenge to this move was the proximity of the elections in Córdoba, where the governor tries to impose his successor Llaryora against Luis Juez, of Together for Change. The reaction of the people of Cordoba to this move was frontal. The head of the Buenos Aires government was accused of attacking the fate of his own candidates. Clearly, it was not the time for such a bet that brought confusion to sectors of the PRO, but it was also clearly the time to try to strengthen their idea of expanding the base of support of the future government.
The proposal was read internally. According to the most widespread interpretation, Larreta tried to change the adverse trend shown by the polls regarding Patricia Bullrich, one of the most fervent opponents of Schiaretti's entry. He could not overcome that resistance. The entry of Espert, who was on the waiting list two months ago, sounded like a consolation prize.
Larreta has challenged Macri to express the reasons for his blockade of Schiaretti and close to the head of government has been heard to say that if there are no compelling political reasons it is only a sectarian act to form a force of clear sign of center-right.
Morales, the president of the UCR, along with Carrio and Pichetto, support this expansion.
Macri and Bullrich are not alone in impeaching Schiaretti. A sector of the radicalism also resists the governor of Córdoba and, at the same time, Larreta.
Tomorrow, when the radical convention meets, two facts will be verified: the first, the ratification of membership in Together for Change and the need to "expand" this space, although they will not make names so that everything does not rot; second, even if it is not made explicit, the radicalism will emerge from the Parque Norte meeting without a presidential candidate. There will be a full coincidence in supporting Martin Lousteau in the City.
It seems a fact that Morales will support the ticket of Larreta and another radical, that of Bullrich. Maxi Abad, the head of the UCR in Buenos Aires, is mentioned as the surprise to ideologically compensate for Patricia's proposal. Guys? It is an unknown but its possibilities have narrowed a lot.
Also tomorrow begins the countdown for Massa, whose candidacy was never admitted by the minister although the plasticity of his word is already a classic in political jokes. A lot depends on the IMF making a larger disbursement than expected and that remains to be seen. The pressure to turn the internal one has reached its peak: will Massa comply and leave the Economy Ministry if Scioli resists?
There is Wado de Pedro, who is in an image campaign to leave behind his active camporismo, with a low level of knowledge. "He lacks a boil," said a very battered Buenos Aires Peronist about the interior minister. And Kicillof always remains as a presidential resource, with the risk of losing in both categories.