The political system in Argentina faces an almost dramatic challenge. It is not limited only to finding a way out of the very serious socio-economic crisis. Also, to re-strengthen the sense of governance that has been greatly affected in recent years. The two major coalitions, Frente de Todos and Juntos por el Cambio, seem to be in a process of reconfiguration a few days before the closure for the registration of alliances and candidacies. No one dares to predict a governance scheme if Deputy Javier Milei, of La Libertad Avanza, ends up sweeping away the alliances of the traditional parties in October.
This extended domestic look at the regional framework would worsen the horizon. Popular disenchantment is reproduced in such a way that it consumes in a short time the endorsement granted to governments at the polls. Let's see: in 2021 Pedro Castillo was elected in Peru. After a year and 4 months he had to resign. He remains in detention. Gabriel Boric burst into Chile with a new alliance typified as a left that replaced the armed virtuoso of post-Pinochetism. It has already suffered two heavy defeats in electoral consultations. Guillermo Lasso that same year was consecrated in Ecuador. Weeks ago he had to anticipate the call for elections to avoid an impeachment. 2022 was time for Lula's return in Brazil and Gustavo Petro's consecration in Colombia. Both quickly fall into social consideration.
On this cracked floor, the ruling party and the opposition are trying to reconstruct political offersby repeating some of the worst practices known. The constant reference to "them" or "us" has ceased to be the patrimony of the struggle between those who govern and others who must supervise. Harsh enmity is now the common internal currency in the Frente de Todos and Together for Change. Alberto Fernández and his loyalist booth against Cristina Fernández and Sergio Massa. Horacio Rodríguez Larreta against Patricia Bullrich and Mauricio Macri. Before a legion of partners who, often perplexed, try to position themselves in the best place.
The Argentine reality always tends to challenge the usual political customs that are discovered in other geographies. It is true that now there would also be shortages. History is rich in examples of governance crises that were remedied with agreements. Argentina put them into practice during the departure of Raul Alfonsin and the crisis of 2001. There are no clues that they can be repeated two decades later.
The president continues to fly the flag he has left after four years in power. What he calls the democratization of Peronism. That the presidential candidate emerges from the popular vote in replacement of the Kirchner imposition. Néstor implemented it in 2007 with Cristina. The lady solved everything else ever since. The presidential conception lays bare a limit. The legitimation of origin would justify the rest. Otherwise, his qualification of "best governor" for Gildo Insfrán, of Formosa, is not understood.
Alberto's resistance faces multiple difficulties. The first of these would be the volume and operability of those candidates willing to confront Kirchnerism in the PASO. Both Daniel Scioli and Agustín Rossi, the cabinet chief, swear that they will support their candidacies. Minister Victoria Tolosa Paz expresses the same intention to fight Buenos Aires against Axel Kicillof. It will be seen.
In Olivos, a more optimistic vision persists. They point out that Scioli and Tolosa Paz gathered in 72 hours the triple number of endorsements required for an application. They admit that they have less structure than Kirchnerism. They assure that there is a silent current in Peronism fed up with the persistence of Christianity. They suppose that the surprise that Carlos Menem produced in 1988 when he defeated Antonio Cafiero could be replicated in the PASO.
The ambassador to Brazil had the nod of one of the secretaries of the CGT, Héctor Daer. He was greeted by another, Pablo Moyano, who seems to have done so only to differentiate himself from his father, Hugo, the trucker leader, who first endorsed the need for the PASO and then ordered himself to be saved. Something similar happened on the tour he made with five PJ governors. They listened to his productive proposals. Never something they expected: a concrete offer to be part, personally or by delegation, of the formula that can lead the former motonaut.
Scioli returned to talk even with a conceasive Cristina. The vice president doesn't throw it away. But he allows the project of a single candidate that Ma-ssa continues to design with his extortion style – and the solidarity of Máximo Kirchner – to annul the competition in the ruling party to advance. The economy minister spoke three times last week with Alberto and none of the times there was agreement when they discussed the electoral definition. There is an overabundance of tension and contempt between the two. "Sergio is complicated because he always had three bosses. And now Cristina has been added," the president usually says ironically.
The problem would not only be the PASO. Massa intends to wipe Scioli off the map because of past grudges. He is convinced that the former governor had responsibility when in 2013, in the middle of the campaign for the legislative elections, his private home in Tigre was raped and robbed. Not only did they take valuable papers from there. The minister also suspected at that time of some black Kirchnerist hand. His incorporation into the Frente de Todos, by the hand of Alberto, and a coffee that his wife, Malena Galmarini, head of AySA, shared with Máximo Kirchner were enough to dispel anger.
Cristina, with Massa's help, obtained the declaration of the PJ governors in which they questioned the PASO. Even if not everyone agreed. Jorge Capitanich, the spokesman for the meeting, repeated the economy minister's controversial argument: "The multiple national candidacies harm us," he said. Something happened in a few days. On April 23, the Chaco president had said that "the PASO have to be the element that makes our space green." The explanation must be traced to the provincial financial needs that Massa from the ministry is willing to satisfy.
Contemplating the scene, one can notice a decompensation of forces between those exhibited by the President and that agglutinated on the other side. In the middle appears Eduardo De Pedro. The Minister of Interior supports the PASO. As far as Cristina allows. Hence Massa's little game. He left it planted in an act at the CCK. The next day he sent another to his wife, Malena. The swing is the original mark of its policy. After the threats of rupture that Cecilia Moreau ordered to transmit, he confirmed that the Renewal Front will continue to be a partner of Kirchnerism. Also, that if there were STEP, their strength would accept them.
Its stability and participation in the electoral apparatus depends on the tangled help of the International Monetary Fund (IMF). He hugged at an event in Escobar with Claudio Tapia, who brought the World Cup closer. Campaign in its purest form. The head of the AFA blocked in December, along with the players, the possibility of a visit to Alberto. He snubbed De Pedro at the foot of the stairs of the plane coming from Qatar.
Perhaps that inclined plane also explains the President's attitudes. Among a string of misunderstandings – he spoke of the "abuse of press freedom" – he mixed encrypted messages. Some sensitized the Instituto Patria. He said that many of his officials will return to the plain as they came to power. Without having become rich. He spoke of "many," not "all." Striking oversight.
The brooch was when with his right index finger hoisted he proclaimed that he did not deliver public works to his friends or do favors to businessmen. How can we not link it with the Vialidad case in which Cristina was sentenced to 6 years in prison for the public works in favor of Lázaro Báez? Small revenge after so much suffering. The men close to Alberto, to encircle the fire, offered another interpretation. "What he said was in reference to Macri and Nicolas Caputo, his close friend." That businessman did not stop participating these years in the awarding of public works.
That ruinous spectacle in the ruling party has only been overshadowed by the earthquake in Together for Change. That earthquake is the consequence of differences that were cooked all these years, overlapping under the invocations to the defense of unity. Several structural drawbacks are displayed. The very serious crisis in the PRO that drags the other parties. Product of a power struggle that, belatedly, Rodríguez Larreta has raised with Macri.
Differences that have other depths also emerged. Bullrich pulls the discursive rope to bring the coalition very close to Milei. His repeated word is "change." The same that appears, without any precision, among citizens who respond to public opinion polls. Rodríguez Larreta, on the other hand, prefers to anchor himself in an imaginary political center where the Peronism that fled from the K's can converge. The symbol is Juan Schiaretti, from Córdoba. How could these dissimilar planes get along?
Evidence of such disagreements was the incorporation of Deputy José Luis Espert into the coalition. Bullrich, the tough liberal, preferred not to make a fuss. Rodríguez Larreta, the centrist composer, received it as a treasure. The story did not end there. Elisa Carrió shot at Macri and Bullrich for the alleged alliance project between them with MIlei "to make a brutal adjustment with repression." An augury almost modeled on the one that Anibal Fernandez, the security minister, had replied in April.
It is difficult not to relate such a succession of incongruities with a political mamarracho.