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Relocation to Gaza: The Left's Shocking Soul-searching in Israel - Walla! news

2023-12-07T14:50:36.182Z

Highlights: The structure of Israeli society may not collapse, but will change greatly, writes Omer Kaplan. Kaplan: "This left was not a political left, but on the path of negation" The drift toward racism among believers in what was once called "Greater Israel" has made the job easier for them, he says. "Only not Bibi" was the glue that united this camp even before the establishment of the current government, writes Kaplan. "They don't understand us, they're not here, they don't know what works in Middle East," says Kaplan.


The farther one gets from the earthquake that struck Israel two months ago, the more one notices the aftershocks: those that will reshape the social and political map in Israel. What does this say about Netanyahu's karma?


A tectonic shift from performances in the spirit of "The Handmaid's Tale" to performances in the spirit: "Mi Tu, Anels U R A-JO" / Courtesy of the subjects, Omer Kaplan

In the midst of the upheaval that the past two months have caused every Israeli, there are "secondary noises." They are sectoral, perhaps less visible, certainly do not yet receive adequate news coverage, but as anyone who has ever experienced an earthquake knows: the secondary earthquakes, ostensibly less intense, are what cause the most destruction to the structure – and the structure of Israeli society may not collapse, but will change greatly.

A recalculation of the trajectory is now taking place both on the Arab street (which understands that starting at six after the war it will no longer be possible to be both a loyal Israeli citizen and side with the Palestinian struggle) and the ultra-Orthodox street (though not among its leaders who are struggling to preserve the fence they have taken the trouble to erect around their community).

At the same time, among all the secondary noises, the one taking place among what until two months ago was called the "left" is the most interesting.

Even before that, this left was not a political left, but on the path of negation: since the failure of Oslo, few believed that peace would be achieved in our generation. Therefore, they were mainly "left-wing" in opposition to the settlements and everything they represented for them. The drift toward racism among believers in what was once called "Greater Israel" has made the job easier for them: when you have trouble deciding what you are, it's easier to say what you don't.

The legal revolution, which brought polarization among the people to a peak, increased their numbers, but further reduced their ideological base, which turned not only from a clear statement about what is good for Israel, but even from negating what is bad about it – to negating those who are bad about it:

"Only not Bibi" was the glue that united this camp even before the establishment of the current government, the fact that Itamar Ben-Gvir, Bezalel Smotrich and especially Yariv Levin, Become her poster boys, only making the job easier for them.

Demonstrators against the legal revolution block the Ayalon Highway. Some of them are already to the right of Netanyahu/Uri Sela

When Kaplan Met Harvard

What did they want? Relocation. If not in the physical sense, then at least in the emotional sense. Against the backdrop of internal disagreements, it was more convenient to feel close to those who share the same tastes in dress, music and television.

The reference group of the Israeli left was the liberal camp of Europe and the democratic camp in the United States. A direct line was drawn between Trump supporters, for example, and "Bibists" in Israel.

As a direct continuation of this, many on the Israeli left felt closer to those with whom they share a worldview than to those with whom they share a common national history, but who want to hold separate prayers in Dizengoff Square, for example.

Here's something on a personal note: I don't pray and certainly don't advocate holding a gender-segregated religious ceremony in the town square, but I do believe that whoever refused to meet his brother in the town square (or even - to admit that the strange man with the kippah is his brother) doomed himself to meet him in the tank.

The IDF cliché voiced by every MK to his subordinates on the first day of basic training, according to which if we do not know how to depend on each other, we will depend side by side, could not have received a more painful and tangible expression.

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The confrontation at Dizengoff Square on the eve of Yom Kippur. Those who refused to meet their brothers in the square met with them in tanks and in the military plots in the cemeteries/Flash 90, Tomer Neuberg

There is nothing new in the West

In between, the leftist, who got up on the morning of October 7 on his right side, tried to explain himself to his reference group in the West.

At first, it seemed that the intellectual betrayal could be blamed on circumstantial factors: they don't understand us, they're not here, and they don't know that what works great in academia doesn't work in the Middle East – and so on.

Then we moved on to give them the assumption of fear: they may feel that we are right, but are afraid to admit that the exact same problem is intensifying day by day in their own backyard, especially in Central and Western European countries.

The truth is that intellectuals had quite a few reasons not to understand us: when we said that Hamas was ISIS and implied that they were human beings with a different operating system, they claimed that this was exactly what whites once said about blacks in the United States (in any case, quite a few Americans of African descent drew a straight line between their struggle for equal rights in their country and the Palestinian struggle).

When you combine this with the fact that activists, who are naturally opposed to the establishment that supports Israel, accept the reason why anti-Israel demonstrations, whose participants do not understand why they are also said to be anti-Semitic, have swept campuses across the United States.For

years, Western intellectuals have contained the contradiction between being the product of a welfare state, enriched by centuries of colonialism, and the lofty ideals in which they believe, Through the correction of support for the weak.

It could have been in activism for African immigrants or in solidarity with the Tibetan struggle for independence, but embracing the Palestinian narrative was a gift that never stopped giving: a alive and burning conflict in which there is (allegedly) colonialism and apartheid? It was already a real candy.

Add to this even deeper humanistic elements, such as the adoption of behaviorism, which holds that everything is circumstantial and believes that what we define as evil is nothing but an acquired trait that is derived from a person solely because of his life circumstances (since any hint he suggested otherwise is immediately perceived as dark racism) and here we have why so few liberals in the West sided with Israel:

it was not a fear of confrontation with the Arabs and their money (as for example in European football organizations, from UEFA to the Premier League) but a confrontation with the collapse of their own worldview.

At least at this point, it's a little hard to blame them: We haven't parted with our worldview either, until we're forced for a moment and in one moment, to stop thinking and analyzing – and strike back.

"Thousands of martyrs march to Manhattan." Breaking the Relocation Dream/Reuters

Relocation, where exactly?

What's wrong with members of the Israeli left's reference group? That they could have been given this assumption if they hadn't been strict about it in other areas: removing statues of those who once held slaves (even if they fought for their liberation!), eliminating barriers between men's and women's restrooms, reprimanding those who called a colleague "Miss" instead of "Miz," and more.

These are the same people who today see horrific sex crimes or the burning of babies as a kind of "weeds" on the margins of a legitimate liberation struggle of an occupied people. So much so that if, until yesterday, we wanted to convince them, understanding the objective difficulties they have to be convinced, now we simply feel like hitting the shabby face of a Harvard president who plays "yes, no, black, white" where a clear and decisive statement is required.

Saying goodbye to this cosmopolitan citizenship, which was forced on the Israeli left, is more than ending friendship with colleagues abroad. There is also an understanding here that what is perceived as a kind of alternative solution to Israel's troubles no longer exists.

Thus, for example, the time for reflections such as – if the legal legislation passes, we will take the foreign passport, sell the apartment in Tel Aviv that will suffice for an alternative property (usually even more) almost anywhere else in the world – and raise our children in a more pleasant environment.

Well, for every young and secular Tel Avivian who planned a relocation if and when the ultra-Orthodox-religious-right-wing demographic does its job, there are now two who understand that the day is not far off when Dean Triebka will be the same as Treblinka.

Benjamin Netanyahu. Years of deepening the rift among the people will backfire, at a moment when many are adopting the right-wing approach to the conflict/official website, David Bachar

Netanyahu's Bad Karma

Let's ask from this camp, which is now recalculating its course, another New Age belief: "karma is a-."
Netanyahu, for example, can ponder it sadly. It would have been his finest hour, when so many in the camp that was hostile to him almost ran past him running to the right.

In recent years, however, this wise man has become so confused between his personal good and the good of the state that they are able to implement his political vision almost on a one-to-one level (suppose there is one, which is nothing but the result of personal benefit) and still not believe a word that comes out of his mouth.

And since there are many of them even among those who were considered loyal to him, it is quite possible that the man who liked to declare himself everyone's prime minister would be the sheep (just as a metaphor, of course) in the sulha that would heal the rift in the people, who had served them well for too many years.

A renewed brotherly covenant written in blood would be very difficult to violate even by those who specialized in it. This is good news for the State of Israel and so bad for Netanyahu.

  • More on the subject:
  • Left
  • Harvard
  • Gaza War
  • Benjamin Netanyahu

Source: walla

All news articles on 2023-12-07

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