The libertarian story about the fall of the Omnibus Law, detailed to
Clarín
by an eyewitness to the session, says more or less like this: "Until the meeting started, we thought that the reforms were coming out, beyond some tension. But when ( Rodrigo)
De Loredo asked to vote item by item
, we realized that something strange was happening. And then everything ended up rotting."
De Loredo is the
head of the UCR block
and until the general vote, one of the
most active opponents to achieve support
for the reforms proposed by
Javier Milei
.
However, the Córdoba deputy was also affected by libertarian fury.
Not only because of his partisan origin (the President is particularly critical and sometimes even disrespectful of radical history) but more because of his
native
origin .
From Loredo
he is from Córdoba
.
And if one province was caught in the middle of the controversy due to the failure of the law, it was precisely this one.
But the
main target
is not the radical but a Peronist,
Governor Martín Llaryora
.
The sequence of the negotiations and the collapse of the project put Juan Schiaretti's successor in the crosshairs.
"When section H of the law was being debated, which empowered Milei to modify some federal trusts, the citizens of Hacemos announced that they were opposed.
Only Oscar Agost Carreño
, a PRO deputy who is within that block,
maintained his support
" , details another witness to the discussion.
The mix of Cordobanism within Hacemos is great.
A PRO like Agost Carreño coexists;
with
Natalia de la Sota
, daughter of the deceased former governor and who supported Sergio Massa in the runoff.
There is also the experienced
Carlos Gutiérrez
, Schiaretti's former right-hand man in Congress.
From both sides of the counter
But the fact that makes the most noise is that the list is complete with Alejandra Torres, Osvaldo Giordano's partner... head of Javier Milei's ANSeS, and who was one of the most active opponents of certain points of the reform. As?
Even before the general vote, Torres rejected one of the central points of the project, linked to the Sustainability Guarantee Fund, today run by his partner.
Did she actually represent her husband's position on the libertarian intern?
Just by mentioning it to her, the representative becomes enraged.
She remembers that her career in the pension issue ran parallel to Giordano's career.
The concrete thing is that, within the framework of this fight,
Córdoba/Llaryora demanded funds to "harmonize" their pension fund
.
Giordano, now on the national side of the counter, would not view it with bad eyes.
Everything has to do with everything?
And more: the governor assures that an emissary from Milei promised him this transfer of funds and then in the ruling he breached the agreement.
The partnership between Milei and the people of Córdoba raises many doubts.
Did the President arrange with Schiaretti/Llaryora to give him million-dollar funds such as ANSeS, the Ministry of Transportation and Banco Nación and was support in Congress not guaranteed?
There the answers branch off.
Llaryora has said in private meetings that he is not "the same as Schiaretti," enough to distance himself from any eventual pact.
Other local sources make a more detailed analysis: "Giordano, beyond his recognized technical capacity in the matter, is a type of the Córdoba establishment, more linked to the Mediterranean Foundation than to Schiaretti."
As an example, they remember that
Giordano shared an event during the campaign with Patricia Bullrich
, when the former head of the PRO had Carlos Melconián, another man from the Mediterranean, as eventual Minister of Economy.
"Here the deputies and leaders tend to be very narrow-minded. And they respond more to provincial interests than to traditional political logic. The people of Buenos Aires don't understand that. Milei doesn't understand it and Macri didn't understand it," the Córdoba source adds.
When he speaks of "provincial interests" he adds to the Grain Exchange
, which lobbied strongly against the increase in withholdings, which was finally discarded.
Background: the PRO had suffered his own snub.
Despite Schiaretti's oily relationship with Mauricio Macri
, the Cordoba deputies who responded to him voted in favor of the million-dollar cut
promoted by Cristina Kirchner
to harm the head of Government and pre-candidate Horacio Rodríguez Larreta.
The consequences are still borne today by the former president's cousin.
Alert for image drop
Like Macri,
Milei also had her honeymoon in Córdoba in the runoff
.
She scored
74%
, well above the national average of 56%.
Something similar to what had happened with Cambiemos in 2015, although without as much hard core: in the PASO and the runoff, the LLA candidate was closer to 30%.
How did the people of Córdoba take the setback of the law?
Can you question your local leaders for not supporting the President?
A local analyst explains it: "That fine analysis they do in Buenos Aires is more about microclimate. The high number in the runoff has to do with anti-Kirchnerism, not with pure support for libertarians.
Milei is going to be judged in the province for the economy and in case inflation goes down
. And to Llaryora (the governor) for the works he does."
The same consultant remembers another interesting fact, published by Clarín.
In the general decline in Milei's image throughout the country,
one of the strongest losses occurred in Córdoba
.
In December it was the district in which the president achieved the highest image of him: 72.1% positive.
Now she lost 6 points (66.1%) and came second, below Mendoza.
The analyst completes: "It is an alert, because it means that the President is beginning to lose the soft support that led him to win the runoff. For now it is not serious, but
Milei should attend to it
."