They put Milei to work with the law that
he thought had been approved very early
, because for that he had admitted cuts, much to his chagrin.
And Milei, who now suffers in reality the complexity of politics, which he simplified so much in his electoral speech, goes out to give birth to Macri whom he had previously stopped, strengthened by the runoff.
Politics may be heterodox or, rather, heretical, but it has rules and a dynamic that,
even in its extravagance, prevails over whims
.
The final clash of the omnibus law is a sample of the general state of things in the country and that, if those who feel they are the chosen ones of heaven descend into the mud of politics, they
must understand that this is another matter, not a religion. .
Firstly, the weak legislative representation of Libertad Avanza and
the crudeness, so to speak, of its leadership
, is a product of the October electoral harvest, in which Milei came second with 29 percent of the votes.
If the 56 percent of the second round is intentionally invoked to claim the need for changes, the truth is that the blow for Congress was another, much smaller one.
There is, then,
a discrepancy between a figure,
the one that people voted to end the terrible government of Alberto and Cristina, and the one that only gave Milei 38 deputies and 7 senators.
An immovable reality that the president must deal with at least until the other election is held in 2025 or
he reaches an agreement with his allies before March 1, as is suggested.
To overcome this difficulty, you must have a political strategy,
not insults fired at random
, to establish alliances more solid than those that emerge from a coffee with the Minister of the Interior or harsh conversations with Santiago Caputo,
Milei's
enfant terrible whose ways are
filling the patience of several of his interlocutors.
By granting a significant amount of inexperience, as justification for the undeniable amateurism of a quasi-family government, a pious look is being cast on a method that should be an exception, not abnormal habituality.
The Omnibus law came to nothing and if it had not been for the public warning of Miguel Pichetto, whose legislative expertise
shines in the midst of the darkness
, Milei's initiative would have been an empty shell that, in addition, ran - anyone could calculate - more than serious risks. in the Senate.
The explanation most heard is that Milei operates with other parameters, one could say, that reason does not understand,
transforming politics into an act of faith
.
That is why the reaction to adversity is inquisitorial, visceral, ignoring the close and correct Menemist axiom that
he who gets hot in politics, loses.
Milei has to offer a perceptible reduction in inflation in a not too long term.
So far, in that sense, she has done two important things:
control the broadcast and control the street
.
It is essential for the government to retain control of these two variables, closely connected.
That's the beginning.
The end, if there is an end, will be if inflation starts to go down and people feel the change.
Upon knowing the face of defeat, Milei unleashed the forces of heaven to apostrophize whoever was right: as Senator Luis Juez says,
he went out to shoot pellets with a shotgun and hit everyone
.
The subsequent gestures of reparation were not enough to mitigate the gratuitous offenses resulting from
thoughtlessness and fever.
However, what was clearly a legislative debacle, for Milei was a triumph.
He served him for his divisive tactics between the good and the bad, the old agonal politics that has been doing so much damage in Argentine history.
But he makes a no small mistake: his criticism cements the opposition, even the most dialogue-oriented, instead of dividing it
.
In other words, consensuses are, for the President, dark agreements, almost crimes if not corrupt.
Milei's unitarianism - we go back to Urquiza, that is, to 1852 - is part of his religion: the provinces are only synonymous with expenses and, often (rightly) wasteful, to be benign.
Milei's physical absence at crucial moments of the debate aroused criticism and suspicion.
In a government where power is hyper-concentrated, the ambassadors she left here to close the deal
had their hands tied, out of fear or clumsiness.
Should she have postponed her long-awaited trip to Israel until the law was approved?
Now the President informs everyone that it is not essential for his government.
If so, the uproar and collection of insults he gave to adversaries and potential allies is not justified.
Milei does not grant trust
or delivery in homeopathic doses.
Those who negotiate in her name always have the guillotine threatening her neck.
The dismissal of Giordano and Royón is an example of direct revenge.
The man from Córdoba is a renowned technician in the ANSES and paid for the vote against his wife;
The woman from Salta, who came from the Massa administration, was ejected due to the adverse votes of the people of Salta.
He who makes them pays, Milei seems to say, extrapolating from Patricia Bullrich, a practice that is difficult to digest.
But reality prevails.
The proposal to Mauricio Macri for a government agreement seems to be in draft an admission of weakness, at least legislative.
There is a return to December, when the former president offered Milei collaboration that he felt strong enough not to accept.
And, furthermore, he had just taken the lady away from him, taking Patricia Bullrich without negotiating with Macri.
Now Patricia, who has conspired against her former boss to oust him from the PRO, must face this new situation.
The interbloc that would take place in Congress would improve the numbers of the ruling party, although it would remain in a minority and would require alliances from those who have just been described as corrupt and anti-people.
A verbal -and digital- incontinence typical of his exaltation.
He distanced himself from the people of Cordoba and it will be necessary to see if the landing of Macrismo in his government has volume: there is talk of María Eugenia Vidal in the ANSES, Ritondo presiding over the interblock (Zago would go to the bank) and Diego Santilli would wait his turn to enter Balcarce 24. Posse, the chief of staff, is part of the core of power: “We don't know his voice,” complains a governor sympathetic to the government's ideas.
Others speak of an
administration paralyzed due to lack of management.
Milei said that Francos is firmer than a statue curler to spread the rumor that in the agreement with Macri the Ministry of the Interior would be at stake.
One last piece of information: friendly fire began on Santiago Caputo.
Are it fed by the southern winds that roar in Cumelén, where Macri spends his vacations?