Can Vladimir Putin be safely suspected of
ordering the murder of
Alexei Navalny?
Of course.
This death occurs just about twenty days before the “elections” in Russia in which the autocrat will seek a new mandate.
It is almost a symbol of how the Kremlin autocrat understands power.
Navalny, a nationalist and defiant leader, was no longer a serious enemy for the Russian leader.
Maliciously accused by a justice system aligned with Moscow,
he had been transferred to one of the prisons furthest from civilization,
in the worst of Siberia.
The opponent's allies, including his brother, had to flee the country or deactivate themselves.
His death happens in the style of Joseph Stalin's bloody dictatorship, as
a confirmation that the regime can do it and that's it.
Putin admits no objectors.
He doesn't even those he has defeated.
In the same way he acted with the execution of the mercenary leader of the Wagner Group,
Yevgeny Prigozhin
, who had risen up in June 2023 against the authority of the Russian tsar and the direction of the war in Ukraine.
He ended up dead along with his top lieutenants
in August 2023 when his plane en route to St. Petersburg exploded in midair or was hit from the ground.
In that same month, but in 2020, Navalny appeared in Germany seriously ill after having suffered possible poisoning,
one of the classic procedures
of the current Russian power against its adversaries.
The list of victims
of this type of attacks is extensive
and the list of survivors is very limited, among them Navalny himself who was assisted until he recovered.
Surprisingly, in January of the following year
he returned to Russia
knowing that he would be arrested with a load of fictitious allegations.
But the opposition leader, who had achieved centralization due to his strong denunciations of widespread corruption in the Kremlin structure, maintained that it was not possible to fight the regime from the outside.
He offered, more than virtually, to
lose his life for the sake of that criterion of struggle.
This is what has happened now.
Putin moves with these methods at a time when
circumstances have turned in his favor,
in the main theater of the occupation war he launched two years ago against Ukraine.
In both the United States and Europe,
there is growing rejection and doubt about supporting Kiev,
on the part of Moscow's allies, sympathizers or simple opportunists.
Former President Donald Trump, favorite to return to the White House in next November's elections, already has enough parliamentary strength to
overthrow the aid
that Joe Biden's government is demanding for the afflicted European country.
The Democratic leader is convinced of the enormous cost for the United States that the defeat of Ukraine would have and the precedent that would emerge from that moment on.
Trump watches another movie and has even maintained that he would choose Russia over a NATO ally if the Kremlin advanced militarily.
Europe, in turn, does not have a similar economic or military force.
Within the bloc there are allies of Russia, such as the Hungarian ultranationalist
Viktor Orban
and, furthermore, Germany is no longer the locomotive of that structure, its economy hurt among other reasons by the disappearance of cheap energy that Russia itself supplied in the past. .
It is a serious moment.
Navalny's death is another example of this circumstance.