The repressive siege of Chavismo

Every time Nicolás Maduro notices a political threat, he opts for a repressive response.

The latest counterattack has been brewing since January and led last week to the arrest of activist and lawyer Rocío San Miguel.

The attack against the opposition is orchestrated by the Prosecutor's Office and its top official, Tarek William Saab, a senior official in charge of executing the Government's designs.

He first denounced five alleged plots to assassinate President Maduro.

Later he launched a police operation in which dozens of people were arrested, including some collaborators of María Corina Machado, candidate of the anti-Chavista forces and winner of the primaries, today disqualified.

Finally, he ordered the capture of San Miguel, director of the NGO Citizen Control and with dual nationality, Spanish and Venezuelan.

The lawyer was detained at the Caracas airport and for three days the authorities did not report her whereabouts.

Her arrest was also joined by those of some of her relatives, who were later released.

However, San Miguel was sent to Helicoide, the intelligence service prison, under accusations of terrorism and treason.

The government apparatus usually resorts to the supposed threat of destabilization at the most critical moments, which at the same time facilitates the mobilization of its bases and the construction of a narrative.

A sector of the opposition served Maduro with this strategy because there were proven attempts to overthrow the president, such as the so-called Operation Gedeón, which in 2020 ended in a crazy landing with foreign mercenaries on two beaches in Venezuela.

The case of San Miguel, however, is radically different: the only evidence presented is an edited video in which a soldier links her to an alleged conspiracy.

The United States, the European Union and dozens of NGOs rejected her arrest.

As part of its policy of silencing uncomfortable witnesses, the Government decreed this Thursday the expulsion within 72 hours of the staff of the UN Human Rights office.

This attack also occurs in a precise context.

The holding of presidential elections, scheduled for this year, remains on the horizon, although at the moment there is no clarity on the calendar.

One of the few things that Chavismo has made clear is that it will not allow Machado's participation.

A decision widely questioned by the international community and which, nevertheless, represents a very serious blow to the unity of the opposition ranks, where the debate about a new possible candidate has already emerged.

Nicolás Maduro's supposed turn towards openness has been a mirage.

In 2023 he agreed to approach the opposition and the parties even reached important agreements at a dialogue table deployed in Barbados.

In parallel, Caracas obtained some political and economic benefits: Washington relaxed sanctions on the oil sector and agreed to an exchange of prisoners that allowed the release of businessman Alex Saab, accused of being the front man of the Venezuelan president.

The Government now does not seem to fear retaliation from the White House, it has once again activated its repressive machinery and has even threatened to prosecute anyone who questions the conspiracy theory.

A tactic that, although it may have the immediate effect of Maduro's probable permanence in power, is far from the democratic path of free and guaranteed elections that Venezuelans demand.