Mónica Baltodano: “Ortega's dictatorship has more brutal features than Somoza's”

The dream of the revolution became a nightmare for Mónica Baltodano (León, Nicaragua, 69 years old), imprisoned by the dictator Anastasio Somoza, guerrilla commander of the Sandinista Front, minister during the Government of the revolution and deputy for the FSLN (1997-2002). ) and since 2018 exiled in Costa Rica along with her family.

Just a year ago she was stripped of her nationality and all her assets by the Daniel Ortega regime along with 93 other Nicaraguans such as writers Sergio Ramírez and Gioconda Belli.

Baltodano has been in Madrid, along with her husband, also former Sandinista leader Julio López, where she has met with Vice President Yolanda Díaz.

“There are still sectors of the left that think that Nicaragua is not a dictatorship or that, if it is, they excuse it because it supposedly promotes a socialist and solidarity program and my purpose is to raise awareness.

“I have fought more against Ortega than against Somoza,” she says.

Ask.

How does one live when one's nationality and everything one possesses is taken away, including one's pension?

Answer

.

With a lot of pain and a lot of indignation.

Daniel Ortega turned the country into a dictatorship that has more brutal features than Somoza's.

They tell me that Somoza bombed cities, that he committed genocide by doing so in 1978 and 1979, but he was facing an armed struggle and Ortega murdered the population that was demonstrating civically.

Somoza never denationalized anyone and this guy has made more than 300 people stateless.

Q.

When did you break up with Ortega?

A.

In 1998 for two reasons.

One, due to the complaint of rape and abuse by Ortega's stepdaughter, Zoilamérica Narváez, and second, due to Ortega's decision to reach a corrupt pact with the president of the time, Arnoldo Alemán, where the institutions are distributed and which favors that authoritarian drift from Ortega, which has ended in his absolute control.

Q.

At what point did Sandinismo get screwed?

A.

Traits of caudillismo began to be seen in the 80s, during the revolution, when he was appointed president and at the same time general secretary, copying models of past socialisms.

But he deepened caudillismo until he took over the entire party structure and began to build a paramilitary apparatus, which began operating in 1993. Some say that he had been there before because the abuses that his stepdaughter reported dated back to 1978.

Q.

Did you never guess what Ortega would become?

R.

_

In the 80s there was internal criticism mainly related to certain privileges and their way of life, but also due to machismo.

The first voices that were raised were those of the feminists.

But the need for cohesion of the revolution itself in the face of external enemies served to postpone criticism, which was considered to weaken the process.

The left has a lot to learn from all these stories because sometimes debates are avoided with the argument that they weaken the right.

Ortega continues to use this theme of the enemy.

That is why his speech is anti-imperialist, although it no longer works as much for him, and that is why he aligns himself with Iran, with China, with Russia, and invokes the East-West conflict.

This allows it to cover up the fact that it is an extractive, misogynistic, colonialist regime against indigenous communities and with which a minority is enriching itself in an absolutely scandalous way.

He even steals the assets of the families of those denationalized and stole the cooperation of Venezuela, more than 5,000 million dollars.

Q.

What is the hardest thing about exile?

R.

_

My husband is over 70 years old and I am almost 70. Exile when you are older is very hard.

I had a hostel and I dedicated myself to writing and I also had my pension.

When they take everything from us, they put us in poverty.

Until now we have lived with the help of children and friends.

Because young people can find work, but we can't.

Refugees do not have any material advantages in Costa Rica, they give you the possibility of being in the country with a work permit, but you have to pay for medical care.

Q.

Do you think Ortega will fall?

R.

_

Yes. He is sustained by fear and repression.

The institutional deterioration is of such magnitude that its support is very volatile.

He has established denunciation, terror..., a Government that retains in the offices of the vice president, Rosario Murillo, the passports of the heads of the Army, the police and the magistrates, is a very fragile Government.

I am sure that we will bring down that Government.

We need to continue isolating it internationally, with the unity of the exiles, and strengthen the organization within the country under new forms of opposition.

Q.

Is there anything you regret?

A.

No. I do not regret having fought against Somoza, having been part of the revolution, although I am aware that throughout my life I have made mistakes.

I feel very proud of having broken with Ortega and denouncing very early that Ortega wanted to build a dictatorship.

I do not regret continuing to fight and I am sure that this time the history of impunity that has prevailed throughout the history of Nicaragua will not be repeated.

We must fight, not with a spirit of revenge, but with justice, with reparation for the victims.

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