We crossed the eye of the hurricane.
The waves are tumultuous and there is a lot to understand, to interpret, so that the compasses indicate the paths that lead to a good port.
But nothing is assured.
It is not a minor fact that the vote in particular on the Omnibus Law has stopped in the discussion on trusts, those under-audited discretionary funds and therefore - historically - distributed with a
sufficient dose of arbitrariness to imply various corruptions.
Tell me who stops making money and I'll tell you how they act.
Corruption is no stranger to the treasures hidden under boxes handled at the whim of those who hold the key to the loot.
Mostly overflowing with flows not accounted for with the due precision of the case.
The concept of caste, so related to the libertarian view of privilege systems, has a very ancient date and comes from the hereditary stratification of social segments positioned
according to non-rational hierarchies.
In India the Brahmins persist above all and the Outcasts abandoned to their bad luck below.
In Latin America, a caste system based on ethnopolitics was also configured;
a racist division that
turned every colonial society into a system of sociological cages
: whites, mulattoes, blacks and Indians, configuring a petrified and “pigmentocratic” social pyramid according to the neologism of the immense naturalist Alexander Von Humbold.
From this primary division other satellite dimensions were derived;
immigration and miscegenation made
this primary taxonomy more complex but did not completely abolish it.
The thinker, Antonio Escohotado, who was not exactly a prude, is the one who has refuted the misuse of the concept of caste by the Podemos party in Spain.
Because it was precisely Escohotado who, criticizing Marx,
accused him of having confused the concept of class with that of caste.
The caste pretends to be immovable, armored in itself.
Class, on the other hand, is dynamic, there is social mobility in the post-feudal bourgeois system, and the mummification of castes dissolves in social processes that modify vertical hereditary models.
According to Escohotado, and here we have heard those voices with great emphasis lately, there is a political caste
that closes the dynamics of mobility by anchoring itself in privileges that the rest do not have.
Politicians, generalizing of course, partly compose
the nostalgia of the feudal court castes.
Feudalism is related to caste
.
And in Latin America, despite the dissident view of some historians, there is a Creole-style feudalism in collusion with the caste that has structured the fixed ladder of privileges and injustices for centuries.
There are no Courts, but there are servants and surroundings, praetorian guardians of the various exalted ones.
Escohotado believes that Podemos uses the concept of caste
to cover up its own condition, projecting onto others the unjust condition from which they benefit.
There is also everywhere a caste that can be called
entertainment associated with political power.
This is as old as the figure of the King's jester.
There are diverse elements and incomes in multiple species that are not minor, build legitimation apparatuses.
Popular propagandists of the power of the day stand up.
It is legal, but also often rented openly or covertly.
Popularity can be well-known, of course, and the
right to propagate specific ideologies is inherent to democracy
, although it never hurts to examine the money route that fuels propagandists.
The reaction of various popular K-group agents in favor of Lali Espósito is not debatable of course, but the selectivity evidenced in the silence in the face of horrors such as the one perpetrated against Cecilia Stryzowski in Chaco, or Florencia Magalí Morales in Chaco, or the tremendous denunciations of Try right now in Chaco too.
To put it with extreme clarity: Why did the ultrafeminist K. collective remain silent in the face of such diverse and homicidal aberrations?
There may be conviction, but also high vested interests.
And a cynicism that is sometimes unmasked.
In many cases, the enormous inauthenticity of supposed defenders of social justice is notorious.
Perhaps the result of the last election is partly explained by the asymmetries based on the camouflaged raising of the voice in defense of those who benefit the most and the absence of intelligent actions to alleviate the suffering of those who suffer the most.
The country is divided into other unjust classes: The retired below, the destitute children, the poor who are increasingly poor, the very numerous victims of insecurity.
The circumstantial dispute with successful millionaires is relevant for many, but perhaps not so relevant.
There is a liquid confrontation, let's say, digital disputes.
It can be discussed, debated and criticized.
Although, we must not lose sight of the fact that
we come from a management that installed gigantographs of journalists in the square for children to spit on.
Thus, those who were silent before and then vociferate blur their authority.
To cite an example known to all, beyond showbiz, but configuring, if you will, another type of kitsch show: Baradel.
Covered under a thousand curtains during the last government administration, it has now emerged on the scene.
It's all said.