There will be no co-government of Milei with Macri.
And, on another level of importance, but not insignificant, there will be no co-government between Kicillof and Máximo Kirchner, an increasingly frank and virulent dispute.
They seem to be two different situations, although somewhat equivalent in their field, that have
important points of contact and derived consequences.
The president has been clear: he will not open his intimate core of power or place trust
beyond the triangle formed by his sister Karina, Santiago Caputo, his star advisor, and the chief of staff, Nicolás Posse
.
On that tripod he supports his management.
In another circle, close, but not so close, are for now Guillermo Francos and the Minister of Economy Luis Caputo, who plays at being a tough among the tough, betting that intransigence will extend his useful life cycle in the government.
Outside of that group, Patricia Bullrich is fighting to be admitted to that closed club.
Her main argument, in addition to
controlling the street which is essential for Milei
, is that the hard core of her PRO is with her.
The objective of trying to avoid being beaten in the street is no less important, as is control of emissions and the deficit, as she showed in January.
Those numbers, advertised as the escape from the hyper threat, keep us comfortable as world champions of inflation.
Bullrich knows that her margin is very narrow if she gets involved in issues other than those of her concern, although from time to time it seems that she is still carrying on with the inertia of her electoral campaign.
Two governors, for example, traveling companions of the minister, tried to find in Bullrich the person to carry her messages to Milei, since Guillermo Francos' route seems ineffective to them.
There was no echo: Bullrich prefers - and perhaps she fears, and she has shown courage on many occasions -
not to suffer Milei's tantrums.
Milei's mention of his first swords has been a response to the pressure that, according to the LLA, comes from Macri on Caputo, the young man, and Posse, the silent chief of staff, according to the governors.
Therefore,
the possible government agreement with Milei is reduced to Congress
, where Ritondo saw the opportunity to crown his move as president of Deputies, as was Macri's original plan.
That did not happen.
The reality is that
the hardest core of PRO voters is already with Milei
: the merger has actually occurred.
Another easy conclusion to reach is that
Milei is not willing to even appear to share power with Macri.
The possible agreement in Deputies to increase the anemic legislative volume of the ruling party is happening in practice, but there is still a long way to go to build a majority.
The other JxC groups -UCR, Civic Coalition, the heterogeneous Pichetto bloc- have a representativeness in Deputies that is noticeable by number and legislative experience.
From the outside, it is also already clear that
Rodríguez Larreta is far from any approach to Milei.
Milei's method of indiscriminately punishing the legislators and parties that made the Omnibus Law fail
is not intended to harvest regrets to build majorities
.
Before that, the president rests on the popular support that is still alive, especially if he faces opposition sectors that are amnesiac about the recent past of a terrible government.
Polarization – “they don't see it”, anti-people, coimeros, and other adjectives from the populist heritage – is his strategy.
The administration still has to finish integrating and management suffers from these absences, internal ones and inexperience.
To give an example, the Minister of Infrastructure Guillermo Ferraro has not yet finished leaving, almost without having arrived.
Those in the know say that Ferraro aspires to be ambassador to Chile, replacing the recently appointed Jorge Faurie, who would become ambassador to Brazil.
Faurie, Macri's former chancellor and a man of experience in the San Martín Palace
, has a lot of influence in the ministry headed by Diana Mondino and exercises it
, it is commented in those areas full of good manners and ill will said in a low voice.
In natural gestation there is another almost certainty: most likely, La Libertad Avanza and the PRO will converge in the legislative election of 2025. There the merger (or the disappearance of the PRO) for which Bullrich is fighting will probably be completed.
It has a danger for the Macri, Mauricio and Jorge, if they have presidential plans.
In the case of a successful experience, the credit will go to Milei;
Otherwise, a failure would also impact Macri.
But that is getting ahead of ourselves in a country that has been
living hand-to-mouth for years.
Macri's approach to Milei, with the difficulties and problems exposed, prompted the reappearance of Cristina, who said her thing this time not with a class but with a "masterful" paper.
Nothing surprising: she once again exhibited her primer of already trite concepts.
What did surprise her is that her reappearance, in addition to marking her presence, was to
begin to put a limit on an attrition operation resulting from friendly fire.
Surprisingly, there are those who
point to Kicillof and Ferraresi
as sources or financiers of this action, although in that environment of poisonous politics nothing is certain and everything is possible.
Be that as it may, it is evident that
the fight between the governor of Buenos Aires and Máximo Kirchner is growing
, and that the stability of Cristina's son in the presidency of the Buenos Aires PJ is
increasingly in check
: the mayors are pressing for a new one to be elected driving and there is talk of Espinoza, Katopodis or precisely Ferraresi for that task.
Cristina also came into the ring to try to stop this offensive against Máximo and to sort out the confusion.
It happens that the president of the national PJ is Alberto Fernández, who would return this week from Madrid,
willing to resign if Máximo does too.
Fernández's weight is zero but he wants the step from him to his side to make some noise.
Milei is right when she says that due to the situation in the country, some show is needed.
Her debates with entertainment figures, promoted on social networks,
distract attention from what is important: the recession, the vertical drop in the purchasing power of salaries, the layoffs in the private sector.
Nothing that Milei hasn't announced before, but the real hardships are beginning to be felt intensely.
The presidential ingenuity to try to continue preserving the initiative as if the electoral campaign had not ended aims to sustain the support of
his voters who are beginning to grow impatient.
Now he is preparing a star appearance at a hyper-conservative meeting in the US, in which the central speaker will be Trump, whom Milei admires, although he is at his antipodes: the American is an economic protectionist and supports Putin in his aggression. to Ukraine.
They are united by other traits such as casualness, contempt for politics and suspicion, if not contempt, of Congress
.
Precisely, attention is focused on the speech that Milei will give on March 1 before the Legislative Assembly: Martín Menem assured Pichetto that he will speak at the venue.
It is unknown if this speech will be conciliatory or will whip up its fire against those who “don't see it.”