The judge keeps the information like a treasure.
The prosecutor asks her for it and the judge says yes, but when the prosecutor goes to look for her
he doesn't give her anything
.
Afterwards, the judge tells him that he is not going to give him the information until he reads everything and decides
what to share and what not to share
.
The prosecutor tells him that this is arbitrary, that it prevents him from accessing the evidence and asks what the judge is trying to protect.
Rhetorical question: the prosecutor suggests that the judge
wants to protect the Kirchnerist officials
involved.
The judge is Marcelo Martínez De Giorgi;
the prosecutor, Carlos Stornelli, and the crossing for the cause of a spy is
an open war
in Comodoro Py that exploded this February, just after the judicial fair concluded.
What De Giorgi has is the case against the illegal spy Ariel Zanchetta, who began working for agents of Kirchnerism before prosecutor Nisman was found dead and continued until the presidency of Alberto Fernández, even illegally spying on “the stick” officials. like former minister Victoria Tolosa Paz.
He did this at the request of the leader and official of
La Cámpora
Fabián “Conu” Rodríguez, who paid him with
public funds
from Governor Kicillof's administration.
The data on Rodríguez's electronic devices is what the judge does not want to give to the prosecutor.
He says that he wants
to “protect the privacy”
of the accused.
The prosecutor tells him that he wants the information to investigate, not to know Rodríguez's privacy.
And he reproaches the judge:
“Almost two months after receiving the forensic copies of the devices of the accused Rodríguez, no provision is observed aimed at analyzing their content
. ”
He accuses him of
putting the case in the freezer
.
Perhaps something more of
the worst of Buenos Aires politics
- already shaken by Peronist and radical chocolates and by the never clarified episode of Insaurralde and the Bandido yacht - could be in the hidden content reason for this bidding between the judge and the prosecutor that they only share his passion for Boca.
In parallel, prosecutor Stornelli asks Martínez De Giorgi for explanations about why he allows ultra K deputy Rodolfo Tailhade access to the file.
The contrast is
suggestive:
Tailhade - who also hired Zanchetta's illegal services - can see the file and the prosecutor in the case cannot?
The numbers of dirty espionage - done to order and without any judicial authorization - are large: Zanchetta produced at least 1,196 intelligence reports for Kirchnerism.
In 7 years he made more than 12,000 queries to restricted access State databases.
Who gave them those keys?
19 hidden camera videos were found in his files of him talking to people he spied on.
In addition to officials like Rodríguez (he worked in the Kicillof government and in the AFIP) or Tailhade, Zanchetta was assigned “jobs” by at least
six SIDE agents
who responded to Fernando Pocino, the most Kirchnerist of the organization's directors and friend of former Army chief César Milani, with whom Zanchetta claims to have formed a
“task group”
to spy.
This information comes from just two of the supports kidnapped in the spy's house in Junín.
17 more remain to be analyzed
.
Only those involved - and at some point, perhaps also the judge who is reviewing data - would know how many threads of power cross there.
Hundreds of calls from Zanchetta triangulated towards Pablo Barreiro,
Cristina Kirchner's private secretary
.
See also
See also
New insights about Nisman: the contacts of an illegal spy ended in Cristina Kirchner's secretary
See also
See also
Espionage on judges: the inorganic spy K and the missionary hacker will remain in prison