Javier
Milei has an ambitious secret political plan
that seeks to consolidate his weak governance.
It includes key economic measures and the search for future absorption of the PRO.
This is the formation of a new right-wing political space led by Milei himself.
Also, his strategy has execution times and seeks to form a broad right-wing force.
The program is “cooked” only among intimates and a good part of those dreams are discussed in the “freezer.”
This is what they say to the armored presidential office in the Casa Rosada:
Milei loves to work at very low temperatures.
Clarín confirmed that the tactic combines strong decisions and bold political timing.
The President is 100% dedicated to the economy.
He audits the tax and dollar numbers on a daily basis.
Milei says: “You have to have economic success to advance politically.”
For this reason, the President divides his plan into stages.
The initial objective is to achieve one-digit inflation and, above all, lift the stocks.
He explains it this way: by lifting the stocks there will be a financial “bonanza” and reactivation.
“We are going to grow,” he says, “like a short “V.”
That's why the urgency.
Milei gave “Toto” Caputo a deadline: the “dead line” is July 1.
Milei insists that this coup will give him more popularity and he will try to seek – in the second half – his political consolidation: he really wants an electoral merger between the PRO and the LLA, to form a new political space with a new leader: Milei himself.
For the President, this new proposal must include, as equals, Patricia Bullrich and Mauricio Macri.
The strategy is already known in the PRO.
It generated a strong internal debate: it would imply a drastic change and, in addition, accepting Milei's leadership.
Mauricio Macri knows the play.
In the Casa Rosada they affirm that his return to the PRO is linked to this official project.
But
in the PRO they put cold cloths
.
Many describe Milei's political plan as a “mystical delusion.”
In the leadership meetings they rant:
“Let him not be an idiot and dedicate himself to governing.”
For this reason, the former president is cautious.
Macri spoke – last Sunday – at length with Milei.
The President insists on two things: he will not give her ministries and – all in agreement – he must incorporate Patricia Bullrich on an equal footing with Macri.
Patricia says it out loud: “Don't let Mauricio act stupid.
"I have more power than him."
Macri made inquiries and requested reports.
These “memos” warn that
an agreement with Milei is bold and involves risks for the future.
In other words: if he does well for Milei, Macri would be a caboose.
And if things go badly for him, he will share the political costs.
Macri insists: “I am not going to let Milei and Karina impose conditions on me.”
For the President's plan,
lifting the stocks is key.
That is why Gita Gopinath's trip to Buenos Aires was so important.
Gita is the strong woman of the IMF.
Her real power is greater than Kristalina's.
Yesterday, the secret meeting with Milei lasted an hour.
Clarín confirmed that in the meeting Gopinath emphasized Washington's doubts about the political sustainability of the Government to carry out its orthodox program.
Milei would have counterpunched: she outlined her “political plan” and would have requested support from the IMF to lift the exchange rate.
The Casa Rosada seeks Washington to reactivate the sending of the unexecuted US$10 billion of Macri's loan.
He doesn't want a new program:
it would have to go through the hostile Congress and he would be thrown out.
Gita also questioned him about several inconsistencies in the management of “Toto” Caputo and in a subtle way he sent two specific messages: that
the IMF does not want dollarization
and made an allusion that the flirtation with Donald Trump makes noise in Washington.
The issue of dollarization was in the meeting with businessmen and economists.
Ricardo Arriazu defenestrated her and Gita said: “It is not something that the IMF is going to accompany.”
Levy Yeyatti was also there and commented: “Gita never talked about money for Argentina.”
The CGT was a lament in the meeting with the IMF and opposition politicians warned against Milei's ways.
Today, Antony Blinken will be more incisive on this issue:
the US is not going to help Milei if the President “plays the internal game” of Washington
in favor of Trump.
Ambassador Mark Stanley already had a private dialogue with Milei, about her participation – over the weekend – in the Conservative Convention.
Milei made a commitment to the ambassador: “In the forum I will not talk about internal US politics.”
Gopinath traveled to Buenos Aires concerned about certain signs.
The IMF bureaucrats distrust Caputo and several are dedicated to militating against his reputation.
It obeys resentment and the old story of 2018. Caputo, being president of the BCRA, ignored a commitment to the IMF and intervened with dollars so that the bullfight did not end up turning Macri around.
In Washington they do not forgive him.
Kristalina Georgieva herself received critical memos and transmitted them when he was enthroned: “Among IMF technicians, Caputo does not have a good reputation.”
Caputo minimizes the issue and says it like this: “That has already prescribed.”
In Davos he sat at the same table as his executioner: Christine Lagarde was the one who asked for his head.
They greeted each other without hostility.
But Caputo's overperformance – and unusual celebration – of the January surplus did not help him
.
Anyone knows that this is unsustainable.
Gita told him in the meeting.
She also talked about the exchange delay.
Caputo said: “We are not going to touch that.”
But his team is working on a Sergio Massa-style shortcut: Economía is going to change the “blend” dollar and make a covert devaluation.
Gita talked about politics.
The same fears that the “wolves” of Wall Street have.
Milei did not receive any of the businessmen that Diana Mondino invited to her tour.
But there was a secret and transcendent summit between businessmen.
It was put together by the influential Georgio Alliatta di Montereale, head of the Italian Chamber, “capo” of the European Chamber and member of the international board of Techint.
It was in the traditional and luxurious Circle of Arms in Rome: only 12 top Argentine businessmen attended.
Among them, the heads of the Group of 6 and select businessmen such as Marcos Pereda, Gonzalo Tanoira, Rodrigo Pérez Graziano and Cristiano Ratazzi.
First they mumbled the anger.
“Isidorito” Daniel Funes from Rioja said that he had tried everywhere to meet with Milei.
Several accompanied him in the complaint and that provoked Alejandro Elsztain's reaction: “We have a direct dialogue.”
He also took out Tanoira badge: “I speak when I want.”
But later they agreed in the catharsis about the doubts that exist with governability in Argentina.
The weak points of the Caputo plan were discussed and there was a discussion about the delay in the exchange rate.
Tanoira confided to them:
“Javier told me that he is not going to devalue.”
There was a harsh diagnosis.
There was criticism about improvisation in Congress.
They also said that there is already a recession, but that March and April will be even worse.
There were coincidences: “The fear is that the street will overflow.”
Alliatta, as host, made a proposal: continue the meetings in Buenos Aires and seek to support Milei.
The intention is to support the President and that was defined in a phrase by the influential Pérez Graziano:
“For Argentina to emerge, Milei has to do well.”