This may be worse or the same as the trusts so long ignored except by those in the business, with multimillion-dollar beneficiaries and even some with a certificate of good conduct issued by the Vatican itself.
Do I need to say Grabois?
The workers protect each other and make the caste of the caste.
Millions of uncontrolled dollars to be well counted
in the right pockets of those who speak from the left saying they defend the poor
.
And it is true, they defend the continued existence of poor people: it is their business.
Shift of these hours: insurance.
The one who began to discover the well-hidden plot of the operetta was Osvaldo Giordano, an honest official who Milei put in the Anses by agreement with the former governor Schiaretti in exchange for support, which was not given and for that reason, it was alleged, He just threw him out.
It lasted two months and seven days.
Suspicions are inevitable: Giordano's wife, a deputy, voted with her Cordoba residents against the omnibus law.
Giordano had just opened a drawer (a drawer, a large box) of those that among us already have little or nothing of Pandora: a drawer that opens, a drawer that reveals a hidden political box, and not for little money,
but by millions that continue to add to other millions.
It is the money that the State pays for insurance and ART to certain well-connected insurance producers... with each other.
However, this one we are going to open is possibly a small drawer if there is a desire to open others.
It began in December 2021, when Alberto Fernández
surprisingly ordered that
all state insurance had to go through Nación Seguros
.
Who remembers this decree sanctioned, when not, with the repugnant, hypocritical rhetoric of “protecting the assets of the State”?
Three months after that resolution of
direct purchase without bidding
, it was understood what it meant when Lisandro Cleri, Massa's man at Anses, put it into practice with Alberto Pagliano, Fernández's man at Nación Seguros.
In reality, there are three Fernández men there: Pagliano, Carlos Soria and Gustavo García Argibay, who distributes the business between producers and friendly companies.
As before, Fernández establishes that
private companies will participate in the business
“in the form of coinsurance.”
We will return to this shortly.
Do we need to remember that Fernández began his career in the insurance area under Menemism?
He was the head of the National Reinsurance Institute, from which he was denounced after an investigation by Moreno Ocampo.
Pagliano has worked with him since then.
Together they founded Provincia Seguros in '93.
The “small” business that Giordano brings to light is $20 billion.
That is exactly what Anses pays the Nation per year to ensure the lives of retirees and pensioners to whom it gives loans.
Strange?: since 2011 they had been granting them without this insurance.
Massa expanded and included these loans in the small money plan of his desperate electoral career: up to $600,000 at an annual rate of 29%, a third of what the market charged and in 24, 36 or 48 installments.
He distributed them without limits, including those who collect non-contributory pensions.
Hundreds of thousands of credits: capturing votes with the excuse of promoting consumption.
But the Anses contract with the Nation
came with surprises
.
Since for there to be business, private intermediaries had to be involved, Nación subcontracted other insurers and, as a bridge between the two state organizations, a broker, with a commission three times higher than the market: 17%.
About $300 million per month and most importantly:
another toll station for politics.
Before talking about the broker, one more paragraph about the contract.
The third point says that if costs exceed the companies' income, premiums “will be adjusted until the relationship is balanced.”
In other words:
it assures private insurers that they will not lose money.
And who is the broker?
His name is Pablo Torres García and he became a multimillionaire doing business with politicians and state money.
He owns many things, such as the Rossel Boher winery and the Cerro Bayo company, in La Angostura, a politically popular ski resort.
He also invested millions of dollars in
real estate investments in Tigre,
with his friend and protector Massa, who has spent New Year's Eve parties in the brilliant Azul de Torres García mansion-house in front of the exclusive CR de Pinamar spa.
But Torres García has been, above all, a darling of the Pro after starting as a producer in Provincia Seguros, with mandatory rules similar to those installed by Fernández with his decree.
Nation and Province share this
endless vein of armed policies to give another slice of money to politicians
.
Cross-cutting business, like that of the Legislature's Rigau chocolates, but immensely larger.
Torres García says of himself that his company “has no personal or institutional commitments” to anyone.
Of course, it's exactly the other way around.
In addition to Massa, another of his sponsors is Nicky Caputo, Macri's friend and partner who needs no introduction.
Caputo has managed or perhaps still manages
the City's political treasury for 20 years.
But Macri's relationship with Torres García is opposite to that of Caputo.
They say that Macri left Caputo's birthday party because he met Torres García and also that he demanded that the broker of the pile of contracts that he accumulated with the Buenos Aires government be fired.
Occurred?
One of Torres García's partners is the long-time Minister of Government Bruno Screnci, another member of the Caputo team.
From the Buenos Aires cabinet he went to the Provincia bank.
He was also in another place that handles a lot of money: the Puerto Madero Corporation.
Very much ours: how many officials leave public service much richer than when they entered?
Yes, no answer is necessary.
Torres García had a strong clash with another minister, the radical José Luis Giusti, which accelerated his crisis in the City and the loss of the ART business at the UBA, to which Giusti had taken him.
Giordano sniffs around, notices and, coincidentally?
Deaf noises begin, which are a chorus, because what it is about is that it is a system of tunnels for nice dividends, we already know who is in charge of them.
He reversed the contract with the Nation as “unnecessary” and calls rained down on him to reverse course
.
Lobbyists of all colors and an unexpected one:
the former tennis player Gastón Gaudio
, the same one who opened the doors of other businesses for politicians, those of Qatar.
As Fierro would say, brokers be united.
Torres García is part of the elite group that works under cartels for politics.
A handful that concentrates and distributes thousands and thousands of public sector policies: an incalculable pile of money.
Two more names must be noted.
One: Juan Manganaro, from the Gaman Group, who manages Provincia ART and gets 15% commission, three times what the ART law says.
And the other Héctor Martínez Sosa,
coincidentally married to one of the Cantero sisters
, Alberto Fernández's secretaries.
In 2018, a corruption scandal broke out in Chubut, involving Patagonia Broker, a Torres García company with state participation.
Governor Das Neves ran to Torres García and placed Martínez Sosa, the presidential friend, in his place.
Businessmen say that they called them from La Rosada to hire Martínez Sosa, the same one to whom Fernández claims to owe dollars in his sworn statements.
Lucky man Fernández: his publicist friend Albistur
lends him an apartment and his friend Martínez Sosa lends him money.
What politics, caste or non-caste, offers with the Giordano case,
its investigation, its uncovering of the pot and its replacement
, which should be called dismissal, is not a hobby.
You are fired
, like Trump.
Quite the opposite: it could turn out to be
a pivotal episode
due to the fatigue of people who are going to know if it adds up to 56 percent or if it is nothing more.
It is easy to see and there is, it would seem, attention to these little advantages, or rather, multimillion-dollar advantages of politics like rarely before because it is also simple to understand: poverty that spreads like a poisonous stain and reverses in life for almost all of them, if not all of them.
If the scheme that Giordano canceled remains canceled and does not return with one of those maneuvers that are never missing,
then his replacement at Anses was political punishment
.
But if the intermediaries reappear with another name or disguise, then Giordano
was fired for closing a black box
, what the government says, assures, shouts, threatens and swears that he came to do.