Javier Milei does not plan to give in
on the open front with the governors.
The President does not recalculate despite the fact that 23 of the 24 provincial leaders closed ranks behind the claim of
Ignacio Torres from Chubut, who threatened to cut off the shipment of gas and oil, because the Government did not transfer
$13 billion in co-participation
to the province
.
Osvaldo Jaldo from Tucumán was the only one who chose not to confront the Casa Rosada.
In Balcarce 50 they try to encapsulate the institutional dispute in a
technical discussion,
due to the debt that the administration of Torres' predecessor, Massista
Mariano Arcioni
, contracted with the Nation, an argument that the Government could use to block automatic transfers to
a dozen provinces
.
In addition to the technical explanations made explicit by the Presidency and the Minister of the Interior
Guillermo Francos
, Milei redoubles his artillery on social networks, where he threatened Torres with a criminal complaint and associated him with one of his favorite targets in the near past,
Horacio Rodríguez Larreta
.
The support that the governor of Chubut received from unionists simplifies Milei's argument against "the caste", according to libertarian logic.
The
youngest governor in the country
targeted presidential advisor
Santiago Caputo
, whom he described as “
disastrous
.”
It wasn't coincidence.
Torres had been warned that the attacks and accusations on the networks against his administration would be redoubled if he persisted in his claim.
Throughout the political arc they blame Milei's political “architect” for the President's confrontational strategy.
Mauricio Macri is upset
with both parties.
The former president, who is exploring the
creation of an electoral front with Milei
for 2025, repeats to his closest collaborators that it is necessary to establish bridges of trust to generate
changes without betting on irreversible conflicts
.
The governor of Chubut Ignacio Torres with Mauricio Macri.
Torres whitewashed his
telephone conversation
with the founder and future president of the PRO and highlighted that
Patricia Bullrich
was also aware of the conflict.
Macri tried to find echo in the Ministry of Economy and the Central Bank, but he was unsuccessful.
Close to the former president they believe - like the Minister of the Interior - that Torres
does not have the resources to carry out a threat
that he believes is extortionate.
He also denies the Peronist solidarity of Torres' claim and described it as a mistake that the
35-year-old governor
turned to Justice to claim
funds for Transportation
.
The former president will not get involved, for now, explicitly.
However, his
patience with Milei
also begins to show
signs of exhaustion
.
Macri was surprised by the appointment of
Mariano de los Heros
as head of ANSES.
The former president promoted
Alejo Matzkin
to lead the pension organization.
The former president complains more and more about the same thing.
“
Javier sugarcoats it in the media
, they talk on the phone, he listens to it and
then does the opposite
,” says a trusted collaborator of his.
The block of
JxC governors closed ranks with Torres
.
Unlike the Peronists, none of them made the suspension of the
National Teaching Fund
a flag.
Even the radical
Gustavo Valdés
from Corrientes - the most collaborative of the provincial leaders in that space - bowed to the Chubut native four days after having received the President in his province with a hug and capital letters on Twitter.
The head of Government
Jorge Macri
had no choice but to support.
Although he has not yet escalated the fight, he hopes that the Nation will cover the debt it owes to the City in terms of co-participation.
Those around Torres point out that the President made a miscalculation by leading an attack against a young governor and potential ally, who already has 2 LLA ministers in his Cabinet.
The PRO deputies are silent for now.
It is the closest thing to support.
On Monday, the Macrismo bloc of legislators will hold a meeting with their governors, in which Cristian Ritondo is working.
“
We must put out the fires
,” say the legislative swords of the yellow party.
In the ex-changemite universe they do the math and take note that for now Milei
retains 80 percent of its voters
.
They are betting that those disenchanted with the libertarian leader become a variable that allows them to regain influence.
In the last few hours, reckless phrases were heard in some of the most important offices of the Ministry of Economy.
“
We go for glory.
Either we move forward or we move forward,” they say.
The President's entourage has already revealed that if Milei is not allowed to govern and he cannot meet her goals, his house will leave.
After the approach that the Minister of the Interior rehearsed with
governors of the North
, in Salta, five days before Milei attends Congress to inaugurate the ordinary sessions, a rift opens between the President and the provincial leaders.
In vain,
Victoria Villarruel
conveyed to several governors that she wants to maintain a good relationship with them and their senators.
It is not ruled out that in the Upper House, wills continue to gather against the Mega-DNU.
The vice president does not bow to the presidential diatribes against the provincial executives.
The ruling party's intention to revive the omnibus law
in its entirety or by chapters is bogged down.
The fiscal chapter that the governors demand in chorus depends on their fate.
“New times require a bit of a show,” the President conceded after
Cristina Kirchner
called him a “showman.”
With that premise, at the President's small table they think about a short speech in front of a hostile Legislative Assembly.
They do not rule out a disruptive staging and it was even considered that the head of state would not speak sitting from the podium of the presidency of Deputies.
In addition to the announcement of sending
laws that will help him build his narrative
, there will be a more lapidary diagnosis than that of December 10, when Milei turned his back on Congress and did not pronounce the word “caste.”
This time it will have as input the SIGEN audits that portray the supposed superfluous spending of politics and which the President used to announce the “
dismantling of INADI
.”
They hardly bring more calm.