There is no way to sanely compare Javier Milei with Hipólito Yrigoyen.
Who would dare to make a parallel between “El Peludo”, president for two terms until the 1930 coup, and “El Peluca”, who is today in the Casa Rosada, retweeting even the eschatology invented by his forces?
However, it may be that Milei will do the same thing that Yrigoyen did in May 1917 before the Legislative Assembly, whose majority was hostile to the first president elected by the male popular vote (women only obtained that right from Eva Perón).
Then, President Yrigoyen
had the head of the Legislative Assembly read a three-paragraph message in which he declared the regular session open.
And period.
It was a way to lower the price to his legislative audience.
Milei has just said that Congress is a “rats' nest,” but by the Constitution he must face them in their nest next Friday, to give his annual message.
What will she do?
Will he forget his contemptuous concept of legislators and advance in the critical description of the mess he inherited?
Or will he do Yrigoyen's, forcing everyone (those who stay in the premises) to see that the secretary does the task that the President should do?
Milei's annoyance
with Congress can only be resolved by the art of politics
, which does not mean validating the imitation of politics in which he has fallen into – and not emerged – for a long time.
Those who have brought consensus formulas to Victoria Villarruel and Guillermo Francos - a fiscal adjustment law that gives balance to the provinces, with the commitment of the governors to approve it on a level playing field - have collided with the widespread fear of what Milei will do with the delivery courier.
The conclusion drawn by one of the runners who try to be a channel for dialogue is that
the President deliberately does not want to negotiate anything.
Politics cannot be
total agreement or unconditional surrender
, that is, submission.
It is a way that Milei has chosen or found to build his own power:
the political system is the enemy to subdue.
And in that strategy a very clear line has been drawn in which there can be no “lukewarmness.”
For this reason, he put the agreement with Macri on the freezer.
And he used Minister Caputo, who comes from the depths of Macriism, to be the messenger of that freeze.
In a report, Caputo, in addition to going overboard in his praise of Milei, said that the agreement with Macri could only occur in Congress, not in the Executive.
Curious way of anticipating the future to the former president by a subordinate.
Macri knows that the administration is paralyzed by the distrust that prevails every time a candidate appears to occupy the deserted government grid, and that
the black balls are handled by Nicolás Posse
, the Chief of Staff, on whom criticism and suspicions of “supervision” over some “friendly” opposition leaders.
It may just be gossip, which abounds in the neighborhood of politics, but
the rumor spreads with the speed of lightning.
Macri continues to hope that the first landing remains on the beach and he is the one who runs to Milei's aid.
An illusion that is fading, as it has already lost Patricia Bullrich, wrapped in the banner of confronting its former allies, and will also not have Rodríguez Larreta, who will not leave the PRO, but will not accept either joining the party leadership
or endorsing the approach to Milei.
This has been planted in the center of the battle to face an
unprecedented rebellion by the governors
of a country that calls itself federal.
The opponents were happy to see that the man from Chubut, a PRO man, had reacted so virulently, threatening to cut off the country's gas and oil leaving his province.
Is that possible?
Is it also legal?
The provincial leaders of the South are forming a company -CAPESA- to be in charge of selling the energy that their provinces produce.
The solidarity of the other governors of Together for Change was more attenuated, but was added to that of the Peronists.
The blow in Chubut's co-participation can affect them all.
Milei says that Chubut did not pay the outstanding debt and that is why the government charged itself, ceasing to pay it.
Stated this way, it is an early
tour de force
of unexpected magnitude and eventual
consequences.
Nobody could think that just over 70 days after taking office,
Milei would come across a diverse conglomerate that includes Kicillof, Jorge Macri, Quintela and Cornejo, to use extreme examples
.
There is an aggravating factor: Francos, the link between the governors and the President
acts as a courier, not as a minister
.
With this rebellion, its little political weight has become evident.
There is an evident intention of the President to actually take away duties from his delegates, except for his golden triangle: Karina, Posse and Santiago Caputo.
The governors know that they will have much less federal aid, but they demand that they be given what the law assures them.
Jorge Macri is already resigned to Milei doing Alberto Fernández and not paying the funds that the Court ordered to return to the City.
Everyone has begun to look at the Supreme Court, wondering how it will make the Executive Branch comply with its ruling.
But Milei is a character
that is currently unclassifiable for political theory
: a populist anarcho-capitalist, a political scientist would say, with narcissistic traits, a psychologist would add.
He remains surrounded by the certainty that the majority of people continue to support his feat against politics.
Legislators and now governors, a unitary revival.
He has asked for the 10 billion dollars that the IMF promised Macri, and for Biden to help him, closing what Mondino unilaterally calls a “strategic alliance,” a variable of “carnal relations,” a phrase attributed to Guido Di Tella.
This “strategic alliance” had been closed, paradoxically, in the previous government, when Argentina opted to buy the North American F-16 aircraft (stationed in Denmark) and rejected the Chinese military offer.
Milei, on his first visit to Washington, ratified that purchase and should have stopped his anxiety about visiting Donald Trump in Mar-o-Lago, Florida.
If she was going to fix aid with the Democrats, why stick her finger in the plug?
With Secretary of State Antony Blinken everything went smoothly, and Milei even gave him the pleasure of making him go out to the balcony so that he could feel what it felt like in that historic gallery.
The last Secretary of State to be offered such deference was Alexander Haig during the Falklands War.
Galtieri was waiting for him to show him the popular support he had.
Haig saw the crowd from the helicopter that was taking him to the Casa Rosada and commented “
This is like Iran
,” ordering the pilot to take another, safer course.