A turnaround in Holon - Shai Keinan beat Moti Sasson/according to Section 27 A of the Copyright Law
1. The national despair and despondency gave their signals in the voting rate
Even before the true results of the local elections across the country were known, the low national voter turnout recorded when the polls closed accurately reflects the national mood.
49%, so-so, mega mediocre.
Five months into the October 7 war and four months after they were first postponed - the municipal elections were supposed to mark a kind of return to normalcy and routine.
Well, the public has had its say, that there is nothing normal about war, and the national desperation and shuffling and despondency just gave their signals in the turnout.
At the same time, in the ultra-orthodox and Arab cities, where the war did not enter the house, the masses flocked to the polling stations, in a symbolic separation, as in another country.
However, also proportions: although the voter turnout is dramatically lower than the previous elections in 2018, which stood at 60%, this is a somewhat distorted comparison, because the jump at the time was attributed to the decision to turn election day into a Sabbath for the first time.
In the 2013 elections, the participation rate was about 51%, not very far from the stabilization today, in the shadow of the war.
The public has had its say - there is nothing normal in war/Ruben Castro
2. The war gave an advantage to incumbent mayors - however, several revolutions occurred
The original municipal elections, at the end of October, were supposed to look different.
After almost a year of an unprecedented civil awakening against the legal revolution, dozens of new lists were born on the back of protest organizations and planned to reshape municipal politics with a liberal agenda and continue the success from the bar association elections.
The war disrupted everything.
The elections were postponed, the campaigns were shelved, a significant number of the candidates were ordered to 8 months of reserve service in the Strip, during which the government and the Knesset played political power games among themselves and left everyone in uncertainty until they agreed on a new date for the celebration.
And when the date has already been set, in the atmosphere of unity and togetherness and we will all win, slogans and negative or militant messages no longer pass through the throat.
It is difficult to start a war on the house when the house is at war on at least two fronts.
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The war gave a built-in advantage to incumbent mayors, Moshe Leon in the victory celebrations/Flash 90, Chaim Goldberg
Thus, the war gave a built-in advantage to many incumbent mayors, who in recent months managed the state of emergency and occupied the center of the municipal stage without much competition or problems.
Still, several revolutions and generational changes took place: Holon Mayor Moti Sasson was ousted after 30 consecutive years of rule, Rehovot Mayor Rahamim Malol will be replaced after 15 years in power, Herzliya Mayor Moshe Padlon who during these times fought a close battle for his throne, also Haifa, Safed, Yeruham, Arad, Beit Shan, Elad, will have new faces at the head.
In Holon, Moti Sasson was ousted after 30 consecutive years of rule.
Shai Kenan, the incoming mayor/official website, public relations
3. In view of the voting differences between the cities - the liberal camp must learn lessons
And yet, the disparities in the voting rates in the distinctly secular cities compared to those in their ultra-Orthodox neighbors are huge and hold advice for the future.
In the liberal strongholds such as Tel Aviv, Givatayim and Herzliya, they barely crossed 40%, while in the large ultra-orthodox cities, Bnei Brak and Elad, they stood up like soldiers to the rabbis' orders and increased to over 80%.
If only the rabbis had instructed them to stand up like soldiers, in the BKOM, the social contract in the country could have begun to be rebuilt from the ruins.
The same is true in the Arab cities - where the voting percentages reached 80%-90% and almost doubled those in the national elections. The Arabs expressed confidence In municipal politics, where they feel they have meaning and influence - in contrast to politics in the government and the Knesset - where they have no access to power.
There is already an ultra-Orthodox majority in the Jerusalem Council, an ultra-Orthodox revolution in Safed, Arad and Tiberias/Flash 90, Haim Goldberg
Even in the cities involved, the high ultra-Orthodox turnout colored the polling stations: the real battle for the composition of the municipal councils will only become clear when the counting of the double envelopes is finished, but already an ultra-Orthodox majority in the council in Jerusalem is evident, an ultra-Orthodox revolution in Safed, Arad and Tiberias.
In Ashdod, the ultra-orthodox increased their power in the council and the close battle for the character of Beit Shemesh will be dragged into a second round of elections.
The liberal secular public should take a good look at the voting rates in the local elections and learn the lessons for the coming years, if after nine months of weekly demonstrations that were like a school for democracy, the masses gave up their basic democratic right - to shape their lives and existence in periodic elections.
True, these are only the local authorities, but the demographic trend is sharp and clear - and if the liberal camp wants to fight for it - its voting rates must increase.
The masses gave up their basic democratic right - to shape their lives.
Yossi Kakon, mayor of Safed/Flash 90, David Cohen
4. In the shadow of the failure, Netanyahu managed to preserve the status quo - but this may be a false impression
If the local elections are a microcosm for national politics, Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu and his partners in the 64th government can give themselves a generous pat on the back this morning.
Despite the biggest security failure in the country's history, the public did not express their anger and protest and generally maintained the status quo.
Most of the Likud's incumbent mayors and those affiliated with it managed to maintain power, with the exception of a few exceptions such as Gedera where a brother of Gila Gamliel was ousted by the candidate of Gideon Sa'ar or Beit Shan who replaced Zaki Levy.
In religious Zionism, they captured some of the authorities in Judea and Samaria, Itamar Ben Gabir, who ran for the first time in the municipality, introduced Otzma Yehudit into several city councils - but less than the noise he created.
And ultra-orthodox politics, tumultuous in internal wars, also managed to decide the fate of mixed cities such as Safed, Tiberias, Beit Shemesh, Arad and Jerusalem.
However, the positive results may also turn out to be a false impression, judging by the historical analogy of the failures of the State of Israel.
Even in the 1973 elections, which were held about two months after the end of the Yom Kippur war, Golda Meir and Mapi kept their positions and went without any punishment for their responsibility for the failure of that war: but four years later, the upheaval took place that ended almost 30 years of rule.
Most of the incumbent Likud mayors managed to maintain power, Prime Minister Netanyahu/Flash 90, Yonatan Zindel
And on the other side, the internal wars once again prevailed over the struggle for the change of government, and most of the energy and attention was drained into the personal battle for the mayorship of Tel Aviv.
The bet of Yesh Atid and Yair Lapid to put the center of gravity of his municipal campaign in Tel Aviv, in front of an incumbent and invincible mayor, instead of trying to conquer cities for swaying Jewishness or to fill the urban leadership crisis in Haifa, the third largest city in Israel, was puzzling from the beginning.
Lapid put his bets on Orna Barbibai's race against Ron Huldai in an effort to capture the municipal liberal stronghold and restore his deteriorating status for the next elections, but the Tel Avivians were less forthcoming and chose the old and familiar, as they have been for the past 25 years.
Bish Atid take comfort in the Tel Aviv Council, where they have become the largest faction, and look north to Herzliya, where Yariv Fischer is very close to ousting Moshe Padlon and registering a victory. In general, an interesting phenomenon in the local elections, all the parties and organizations are announcing achievements and victories - there are enough seats for everyone .
There were also those from whom the right to choose and be elected was taken away - the 134 abductees held captive by Hamas/official website, the headquarters of the abductees
5. Even if they were painful, the elections proved that even in the shadow of war it is possible to let the public have its say
And it is impossible to finish without mentioning those who did not have the right to be elected yesterday - the 134 abducted captives by Hamas in Gaza, the head of the Shaar Hanegev Council Ofir Liebstein and the candidate for the Eshkol Council Tamar Kedem Siman Tov who were murdered in the massacre that took place on October 7, two IDF soldiers who fell yesterday During the day in the fighting in Gaza, tens of thousands of Israelis from the north and south have been refugees in their country for five months.
It is difficult to talk about achievements and victories when the heart of the country is torn, and any attempt to play normal in such an abnormal situation is doomed to failure in advance.
Nevertheless, the municipal elections are an important step in the recovery of the country from the disaster. Even if they were dormant, different, and in pain, they proved that even in the shadow of the war, it is possible to hold elections, local or national, and give the public a chance to have their say and determine who will be the leadership that will lead them from here on out.
More on the same topic:
Elections to local authorities
voter turnout