The latest public babblings of Kirchnerism ratify
the crisis in which it is immersed.
Also the evidence that he has not yet managed to process the overwhelming electoral defeat against Javier Milei.
There is
a disorientation
that neither the 33-page document from Cristina Fernández nor the harsh reply from Axel Kicillof has managed to hide, when he opened the sessions of the Buenos Aires Legislature, at the presidential invitation to the governors to sign the so-called “Pact.” of May".
Some lack of coordination could even be discovered between the governor and the boss.
In her text, Cristina opened the door for Peronism to participate, if circumstances work out, in some debate on the loaded agenda that Milei proposes.
For example, the situation of many state companies.
Axel ruled out any possibility and concluded with harsh irony:
“Just start if we don't arrive…”
he said in reference to the scheduled Córdoba summit.
The confusion also finds reflection in formal matters.
Máximo Kirchner
reappeared when the disagreement of many mayors with his permanence as head of the Buenos Aires PJ was intensifying
.
The situation remains frozen.
Something similar happens with Alberto Fernández, the former president, top head of the party at the national level.
His residence in Madrid after leaving the Casa Rosada spread unrest among the Peronist leadership.
Upon his return, which would be temporary, he encountered accusations from Judge Julián Ercolini, his former disciple, for possible irregularities in the contracting of insurance for state organizations, based on a decree issued by himself.
The scandal, contrary to what might be assumed, slowed down the internal offensive against him.
No Peronist would be willing to sacrifice him in this instance,
where an alleged episode of corruption is added to the consequences left by his government.
A perfect combination for the libertarian administration to use to benefit, as it does, his public discourse.
Hence there are intense negotiations in Peronism to find some decent solution.
Before the insurance chapter, Alberto had made the simultaneous resignation of Máximo in the Buenos Aires PJ a condition for his resignation.
He now ponders and negotiates the possibility of a license request until Ercolini's investigation sheds light - or shadows - on the open case.
The former president does not rule out that the event in which he is involved has also been spurred by the pejotista intern.
The magistrate seems to have added speed to his actions.
In a few hours he ordered raids on the homes of the brokers who would have been Alberto's transmission belt in the alleged businesses.
In this episode personal issues become entangled.
Ercolini was appointed federal judge in 2004 by Néstor Kirchner when four vacancies were filled in the 12 federal courts of Comodoro Py.
He was sponsored by the then Attorney General Esteban Righi.
With the ultimate endorsement of Alberto, at that time Kirchner's chief of staff.
His debut was with a complaint for illicit enrichment against the president and against Cristina.
In March 2005 she ordered the dismissal of both of them, which was never appealed by the federal prosecutor, Eduardo Taiano.
A while passed without any news until Ercolini became the repository of investigations that definitively put Cristina in check.
Hotesur,
a venture where there were suspicions of money laundering through hotel ventures.
The direction of public works for the benefit of Lázaro Báez,
for which he prosecuted the former president and elevated the case to an oral trial.
The Federal Oral Court 2 requested six years in prison for the accused.
The charges had previously been validated by Chamber I of the Federal Chamber and by Chamber IV of the Criminal Cassation Chamber.
Last week Cristina tried resources that did not turn out well.
The Criminal Cassation rejected the challenge against Judge Diego Barroetaveña and the prosecutor Mauro Villar in charge of reviewing his sentence by the TOF 2. Worse than that:
Villar requested that the sentence be increased to 12 years, an original request that he was in charge of. of the prosecutor Diego Luciani.
During the Ercolini processing, the initial friendship with Alberto would have begun to break down.
The former president, at that time an opponent of Kirchnerism,
never stopped being interested in the Hotesur and Roads causes.
No one ever knew if there was, in that sense, a request from Cristina.
Either the magistrate did not tell the whole truth or the former president received information from Alberto that
did not allow her to gauge the seriousness of the events.
The story continued with the former president in the Casa Rosada, where he arrived due to Cristina's strategy of anointing him as a candidate for president with her accompaniment as vice president.
In December 2022, halfway through Alberto's term, the then vice president was sentenced for the Public Works directed.
All her appeals failed.
At the Patria Institute they began to shape the idea that the president's passivity had ended up facilitating the entire judicial process against the lady.
Alberto's public behavior, in that regard, seemed to fuel those conspiracy theories.
He always boasted of having let the judges act freely.
Although in the final stretch he seemed to be cornered by Kirchnerism and
accompanied the attempted impeachment against the Supreme Court
that was rehearsed in the Deputies.
Now forgotten.
Prevented from defending his administration with solid arguments, the former president then made repeated fuss about his honor.
He stressed that never in his long political career had he had a corruption case against him.
He was automatically interpreted by Kirchnerism as an affront against Cristina.
Confirmation, on the other hand, that he had not taken proper care of her.
A way also to try to draw imaginary limits against the karma of corruption that has marked Kirchner's history.
The complaint about the million-dollar state insurance policies promoted during his administration
could modify that script in the future.
We will have to wait and see what revelations emerge from the investigation.
Cristina long ago defenestrated Alberto in his capacity as ruler.
She blames him for the economic crisis and social fatigue that ended with the rise of Milei.
The alleged corruption case would be the finishing touch she was waiting for.
“Sometimes I had to touch him,”
she was heard saying at the Patria Institute.
It would be the symbolic revenge that the leader had been waiting for for so long.