Mauricio Macri crudely described the heart of the current power system and its limits:
they are Milei, his sister and social networks
.
He amplified what the President had already said in a friendly interview, but when much of it was a strange mix of curiosity with a hint of confidence:
“The triangle is my sister, Santiago Caputo and me
. ”
Macri added to social networks, the channel that he uses at all times and piecework.
The former president, of course, is not an opponent of the government but quite the opposite.
Those who speak with him even perceive him as being too
“mileist”
in his positions.
That is to say that his criticism, when there is any, comes from the side of the “new right” – that is what they call themselves now to get in tune with the current times – which warns that Hurricane Milei still relies on the credit that was given to it. society in the ballot, but
that consent is not unlimited.
In other words, the drama has several acts and we are just witnessing the first one.
The President is focused on lowering the deficit and inflation.
It is his goal and his bet: of the rest, he cares little or nothing if he does not contribute to that main objective.
Milei tries to sustain the momentum by reinforcing his criticism against “caste”,
reproducing a classic tactic of populism
.
It doesn't cost her much: the negotiations that are now being investigated with insurance and “friendly” consultancies explode like mushrooms in the forest after the rain.
A scandal of proportions that fuels the hostility of populated social sectors with politics.
Macri, who will once again lead the PRO, made it clear that the agreement with Milei
will only occur in Congress
, but also and much more importantly, that the concentration of power described from Rosario visibly
paralyzes
the management of the Executive Branch.
This fact is not minor: Zamora from Santiago also pointed it out to the Chief of Staff, Nicolás Posse, in the extensive meeting with the governors on Friday.
A file is not moving, Zamora snapped, to the approving silence of the rest of his colleagues.
Milei's roars against Congress and "caste" have been very effective in keeping his image high, but they are not enough.
She had to reopen the dialogue.
The positive thing, some governors say, is that there has been talk again about central issues on which there is no consensus, such as the restitution of the Income Tax, which Milei, spurred on by the IMF, wants to re-impose.
Several governors of “rich” provinces have opposed the reinstatement of the tax for the same local reasons that other governors of provinces more dependent on the state salary want to reimpose it.
It is a truism that
consensus always ensures better results than fighting
, especially when, like Milei, you have such a small legislative base.
This is evident in some central points of the new Omnibus Law project in which it attempts to amend the first failure: withholdings for the countryside are not increased nor are others added for the automotive industry, for example.
He moderates the delegation of powers and proposes
a pension readjustment formula
that tries to prevent the last months of very high inflation from being counted.
This last issue is unlikely to succeed, according to what they say in Congress.
Another controversy that was added is
Vice President Villarruel's resistance to going back on the 30% increase for senators and deputies,
which provoked an angry reaction from Milei, practically ordering Martín Menem, head of another power, in public, to go back. .
The increase further irritated the valley of tears that is the Argentine economy.
But now other increases have appeared in the Executive Branch that force Milei to come out and announce that she will reverse them.
Both the IMF and other international credit organizations, as well as investment funds that have visited the country, ask that the adjustment policies be sustainable.
That is where Milei must inevitably resort to politics to achieve results
.
If the negotiation is by definition corrupt, as the president believes and says to anyone who will listen, any effort by his political team to reach agreements will be subject to arbitrariness and insult.
This does not seem to be the best way for the intended economic stabilization to be based on solid foundations.
Milei has, for now, an enormous advantage: the
opposition, even the dialogueist one, is still very disconcerted.
For example, Peronism.
After the defeat of Italo Luder in 1983, a great renovation took place.
Herminio Iglesias, Lorenzo Miguel and others responsible for that resounding fall with Raúl Alfonsín left the scene, and other actors appeared who reinvigorated the PJ electorally.
Among the renovators was Carlos Menem,
one of Milei's idols
.
Also Antonio Cafiero and Juan Manuel De la Sota.
It is not a similar historical situation, because that was the end of a defeated dictatorship, but this is very similar
to a drastic change of regime.
However, with Alberto Fernández out of the picture, harassed by his mismanagement and the insurance scandal, the Peronist renewal appears led by none other than
Gildo Insfrán!
It seems like a bad joke, but it's not.
We never return from failure with the same characters that produced it and with proposals that respond to another historical time, and without assuming that in this disaster, Peronism and the ruling Kirchnerism
were responsible with their failed policies for deepening the economic crisis, increasing poverty. and clientelism
, and continue with the corruption, which Justice is investigating.