Javier Milei's political victories and defeats seem to depend too much on
doses of chance.
The deputies who proposed to discuss a pension adjustment formula – several from collaborationist blocs –
were not so far from the quorum.
Perhaps they did not arrive because the head of the Chamber, Martín Menem, rushed to form the Social Security Commission, which he kept dormant, following the advice of the head of the radical bloc, Rodrigo De Loredo.
The play calmed things down.
There is no precise date for the treatment of specific projects.
Breasts were inflated in the Casa Rosada.
Victoria Villarruel drew four requests to enable an ordinary session in order to include, among several topics, the Decree of Necessity and Urgency (DNU) dictated by Milei.
One of the two pillars of management baptism.
The other was the Omnibus Law that fell.
It is being reformulated in dialogue with the governors.
What was foreseeable happened:
the vice president could not block the fifth request, which had the signature of 41 legislators.
Of which 33 were Kirchnerists.
That DNU was rejected (42-25), although it in no way loses its validity.
The ruling party muttered a lot of anger, although
they should silently thank Cristina Fernández.
She was the former president, in her capacity as senator, who in 2006 consecrated
one of the many absurdities of Argentine politics.
She regulated a provision of the 1994 constitutional reform in such a way that she granted the presidential DNU a privilege that any law lacks.
She did it to help her husband,
then president,
and to help herself
.
The decrees retain their full value until they are rejected by both Chambers.
No law acquires that character if it is not approved by the Deputies and the Senate.
The description of those episodes would be revealing a serious failure of the Executive Branch.
The absence of a strategy in the relationship with Congress.
Which, in reality, is much more general.
Delay, as until now, is usually a circumstantial resource.
Weak, on the other hand, if the ruling party represents a tiny minority in both Chambers.
The question remains about how La Libertad Avanza will rethink its plans in Deputies to prevent any shadow from falling on the DNU still in force.
This uncertainty could increase for two reasons.
The Government relies too much on Milei's vehemence and personality to try to impose her decisions.
Also, in his manic mechanism of tweets.
He has not internalized the objective minority condition in Congress.
He would not have carried out a review in that area either after the failure represented by the fall of the Omnibus Law.
On the contrary, he preferred to immerse himself in internal frictions that have little to do with the possibility of any solution.
The blame fell on the head of the libertarian bloc, Oscar Zago.
When that mega project, after having been approved in general, entered into consideration in particular, he began to suffer setbacks that led him to refer it back to the committee and suspend the session.
He did not know that this maneuver meant going back to neutral.
Nor did anyone know how to foresee that a single law of 660 articles would have that sung epilogue.
Since then, the block of La Libertad Avanza deputies became a hive that failed to calm down a couple of meetings held at the Casa Rosada.
Nor did Milei throw any balm.
He convinced deputy José Luis Espert to join the libertarian force.
He introduced it alongside him in a television interview.
He is the head of the Budget and Finance Commission.
He is crucial for the fiscal balance plans that the President intends to continue imposing.
The question is obvious:
will political influence in the libertarian bloc be deposited from now on in Zago or in Espert?
That conflict would be small compared to the one that could expand in the relationship with Villarruel.
It is, no less, than the vice president.
On whom the libertarians with a black palate launched a public attack for having enabled the session in which the DNU was rejected.
Among hundreds of tweets fired at the lady, one of them proposed
“hanging her in the Plaza de Mayo.”
Nobody knows if Milei would be willing to promote a lawsuit of that magnitude that would directly impact the principle of governability.
It would seem not.
He has a difficulty that is visible: he does not have among his seven senators anyone capable of conditioning Villarruel's power.
She is also the first leader who appears in the line of succession.
The history of disagreements at the top of the Executive Branch is rich in Argentina.
There are two that could not be ignored by the President: Carlos “Chacho” Alvarez resigned and condemned Fernando de la Rúa to solitude.
He had to resign in the middle of his term.
Julio Cobos gave the Kirchner couple one of their most severe defeats when he voted against Resolution 125. He thus settled a long and savage fight in favor of the countryside.
Milei and the vice president have been accumulating differences for some time
.
Villarruel believed, due to previous promises, that he would have participation in the military and security area that the president vetoed.
The woman then traced her own paths that included meetings with governors and even, it is stated, a private dialogue with Mauricio Macri.
Hence the fire that was born with the determination to enable the DNU treatment that was rejected.
Villarruel intends to differentiate himself from Cristina's times in the Senate.
He said it explicitly in a video.
With the majority at her disposal, the former president did what she wanted.
The libertarian is surrounded by opponents and she aspires to grant Congress the institutional role that corresponds to it.
Therein lies a collision of concept.
Guillermo Francos, the Minister of the Interior, said that the vice president should have ignored opposition pressure and protected the DNU.
Espert dressed for a moment in the clothing of “the caste”:
“There is always a legal argument to justify a political decision,”
he said.
Manual of pure Kirchnerism.
Deployed like few others in the Senate session by K, José Mayans from Formosa.
He was suddenly republican and regulatory.
Essence of the tragedy or farce that national politics has long become.
Instead of any useless anger, the President would do well to track what happened these three months in the Senate.
Villarruel, in its initial weeks, managed to impose a majority of 39 senators for the designation of parliamentary authorities and the formation of commissions.
He left Kirchnerism in a historic minority of 33.
Why did 14 legislators who had been allies lose to deal with the DNU?
Why did the opposition victory have votes from representatives of anti-Kirchnerist governors?
Aftermaths, perhaps, of the permanent fights that Milei maintains with “the breed.”
In these entanglements the President reveals a lot of confusion.
Or ignorance
.
For example, on the only day that he dealt with narcoterrorism in Rosario he blamed the socialists for the prevailing tragedy.
They undoubtedly bear political responsibility during the long management they had in Santa Fe. Another thing would be complicity.
It happens, on the other hand, that the PS is an important piece of the broad coalition that now governs, with the radical Maximiliano Pullaro at the head.
Former Minister of Security of the late socialist Miguel Lifschitz.
Patricia Bullrich's side in the fight against drug traffickers during Macri times.
More than that.
The current Minister of Security
campaigned in favor of the socialist Clara García, who presides over the Chamber of Deputies of the province.
Along with her, among others, Antonio Bonfatti, also former leader of the PS, joined.
Politics is usually much more intricate than the fiscal deficit.
Another mistake by Milei, when he considered that security is a problem that concerns the provinces,
triggered a joint statement of reply from the 24 governors.
Drug trafficking is a federal crime that constitutes “a challenge for everyone,” they said.
In explicit support of Pullaro.
Inconvenient reaction for the Government at the moment when it is negotiating the May Pact and must stop in Deputies the treatment of the DNU rejected in the Senate.
By the way, in the same session the senators approved the law that modifies the Penal Code regarding the prevention and repression of money laundering.
Fundamental tool to try to confront narcoterrorism.
Less luck was had with the proposal of radical senator Carolina Losada to declare a security emergency.
Kirchnerism always avoids getting involved with those things.
The solution to the problem of drug traffickers will not only be in the saturation of the streets with agents or the essential improvement of the provincial police.
Medellín, the heritage city of the Pablo Escobar cartel,
took almost two decades to go from being an icon of Colombian violence to a model of security
.
To the logical armed combat, investments were added to modify living conditions.
The same as the mayor of Rosario, Pablo Javkin, complained to Bullrich for the paralysis of three urbanizations in deprived neighborhoods where drug traffickers operate.
Adjusting the chainsaw there doesn't help.
Milei is undoubtedly in time to think about
reconfiguring his political strategy,
apart from the fights and tweets.
She still retains the popular support she garnered in the runoff.
But it is very difficult, in this situation of almost terminal crisis, to be forever.