First fact: Milei's DNU is valid.
The Senate's rejection has shocked an inexperienced ruling party and may have caused collateral damage among the forces that voted in favor and, this is surprising,
among those who voted against
the controversial decree.
Second fact:
Deputies will not discuss the DNU
, unless Martín Menem makes a blunder and calls a session to debate it.
Third fact: neither one nor the other is sure of the number of votes they have.
Why did Villarruel have to do it and why can Menem act distracted?
Simply
because the regulations of both Chambers are different.
So the rejection of the Senate will be shelved in Deputies, despite the pressure exerted to the contrary.
There was, is and will be a lot of talk about the friction between Milei and Villarruel, which is denied with the same emphasis, also using
the old trick of blaming others for their own problems
, leadership competition and ambushed ambitions.
Nothing new in the old and new politics.
The vice president had stretched to the limit the deadlines to deal with the DNU, a key piece of the Government, since the polls among the senators anticipated what happened.
The vote also reveals, in broad strokes, that the art of political negotiation of the Government continues to make the first, difficult, tasks.
Now we must focus on the next step, which is
the sending of a new Omnibus Law
, which will replace the one that the Government withdrew, its first and resounding legislative defeat.
The new initiative, in order to avoid these dangers, should reach Deputies with a solid consensus.
An agreement supported by a majority would guarantee its approval and would be a very important message for the senators: the law arrives supported by the governors.
An elementary strategy that, however, becomes a mystery due to
the Government's notorious political lack of coordination
.
A lack of coordination that sometimes, too many times, the ruling party wants to pass off as premeditated action but it is
pure botched work.
Government negotiators almost invariably act as if a sword were hanging over their heads.
The commitments obtained are always ad referendum by Milei, Karina Milei and Caputo, the young man, who often have an opinion contrary to what their leaders are talking about.
One of the specific problems that is noticeable, and a lot, is that Milei oscillates between his political need to remember
her and his symbolic representation of a character who always moves forward at any cost.
The (false) belief that negotiating is giving in to “the old” sterilizes any attempt at rapprochement.
Hence, the reiteration of antinomies as a method of political accumulation, a populist resource similar to the one that this administration claims to reject, conspires against its own interest.
There are personal and political ingredients that are present.
The “cannon shot,” as Milei called his statement prior to the Senate vote, which was already known to have been lost,
was against “the caste,”
made up of the legislators, which he added, because he did not clarify it well from the start to Villarruel, his vice president. .
The denials, insults, accusations pour la galerie and oaths of mutual love
only served to confirm the existing differences.
The thing is that the Government does not have a roadmap, a plan and a methodology to achieve the main proposed objectives.
For this reason, the new chapter of the Omnibus Law opens another opportunity to approach the debate without one's heart in one's mouth.
The Government should, then, rush to an agreement with the majority of the governors.
The economic emergency does not cease, inflation, although decreasing, continues to hit a society that nevertheless has the illusion that the enormous sacrifice will be worth it.
That illusion may begin to fade
and if this happens, the Government will be left out in the cold.
And there will be no social networks that can modify that eventual but predictable new mood of frustration, anxiety and whatever you want to add.
That is why the discussion of this law is key.
The rejection of the DNU has been a strident alarm bell that, supposedly, should be heard.
Milei seeks to expand its influence over the PRO:
Bullrich, Ritondo
and -now-
Santilli,
collaborate in this tactic of eating the main pieces of that party one by one, while Macri tries to maintain his leadership without colliding with that of the President.
The Macrismo has not been able to land in the Milei government because it has refused, and uses Nicolás Posse, the Chief of Staff, to put the black ball.
They say, as an example, that
Dietrich is a prohibited word in La Rosada
because during his administration he wanted to advance in airport concession issues.
The formation of the government, then, is slow
and the management feels it.
Furthermore, we will have to wait and see if all PRO legislators subordinate themselves to supporting libertarian initiatives and how the rest of what was Together for Change moves in this unstable scenario, which, as we noted at the beginning, with this vote of rejection of the DNU not only hurt the defeated who voted in favor, but also the victorious, who voted against.
Lousteau, president of the UCR, voted against, while almost all senators from his party voted in favor, something that always leaves its marks.
Error or calculation?
Lousteau was left at the mercy of the libertarians' chicanery and not only them.
His vote
was added to that of the Kirchnerists.
The media firing squad even targeted his wife for being part of the cast of a film financed by the INCAA.
How did the senator's vote fall in the UCR?
A notorious leader who does not like him believes that his vote represented more of the radical affiliate.
Calculation?
In 2025, the PRO of the City will supposedly join the libertarians.
And so Lousteau recovers Leandro Santoro for a center forward?
Electoral speculations on the brink of the economic abyss
.