Already in the early stages of his political career, Javier Milei realized that
his ideas are not marginal
. The President learned that his interventions as a panelist
raised the ratings of the television programs
in which he appeared and garnered views on
social networks
comparable to those of the most successful influencer. Milei believes that what he thinks about economics and politics, or about art and science, about education and health, is
the same as what a large portion of society thinks
.
Thus, in the campaign Milei detected that
he could say without embellishments
that he planned to make an unprecedented adjustment in State expenses in a very short period. He was able to do that because a good part of the voters thought that this recipe was the best to deal with the problems generated by a deficit that with Kirchnerism became chronic and that turned a State that was already failing in many areas into a bag of privileges, useless observatories and organizations that doubled, tripled or quadrupled functions.
As President,
Milei reproduced that mechanism
. The announcement of the closure of Inadi will have an almost imperceptible weight in the national budget, but the complaints of the dismissed employees will multiply on social networks and will be celebrated by those who voted for Milei
and even by some who did not vote for him
.
Of course, this idea of the President, who can have a good electoral performance,
runs into limits from time to time
. One is that of the deputies and senators, who were also voted and want to keep their votes in the future just like the President.
Another is that of the governors, who were also voted by the same voters as those who brought the Casa Rosada to Milei. In their case, there is also an additional problem, because
they defend the interests of a jurisdiction other than the Nation
, which are sometimes convergent and sometimes collide.
This last particularity is multiplied
when Milei interacts with other countries
. The President has said time and again that she plans to privilege relations with those presidents with whom she has ideological affinity. The problem is that, especially in democratic countries, presidents change but states remain.
Milei insists on fighting with presidents like Manuel López Obrador, Gustavo Petro or Nicolás Maduro. He also insists on confronting China and Russia.
Even if you pay attention to his first trips abroad, you can conclude that
what rules that list is ideology
. It is an agenda in which private visits stand out, some of them to participate in events of libertarian or conservative parties, in which Milei even meets with candidates or politicians who challenge the presidents of those countries. The cases of the United States and Spain are quite eloquent in that sense.
It is true that, if one looks at the issue of foreign policy through the lens of electoral convenience, one can think that a fight with any of the aforementioned presidents
will bring advantages to the President
. But politics, and in particular foreign policy, is always more than circumstantial electoral strategy.