It is not a joke. We used to say that Seguro was taken prisoner. But they didn't take him. And they don't take it.
Much moralizing speech from Milei, but Alberto Fernández's decree that expanded the insurance business in the State like never before, remains in force
, alive and well. Enjoying good health. Read, pesos.
In case we need to remember: without speeches or announcements or anything similar, and even though he was a master at speeches, Fernández forced all public companies to hire Nación Seguros. Monopoly. No bidding to get better prices or conditions. And all in the name of the defense of the State, as befits a national and popular government.
The trap, a double trap, was in the same play. One: put intermediaries, brokers, between public departments and the Nation
to be able to collect money for politics
. The other,
more important in terms of money
: subcontract to private companies. The insurance that is contracted with the Nation to strengthen the State
later passes mostly to private companies, which the Nation chooses
. Strengthening what? No response needed.
It is as if they forced state companies to use Aerolíneas Argentinas and after selling the tickets, they allowed Aerolíneas to take the passengers to other companies. Extraordinary Fernández, who had set up
his own team in the Nation to redistribute state insurance among private insurance
. How much the world's great business schools have to learn. Things that amaze outside, not here.
This week, one of the most benefited co-insurers, the Banco de Servicios y Transacciones Group (BST), closed the purchase of the multinational Prudential,
the second in the country in life insurance
. By staying with Prudential, they now manage 11% of that branch of the market. A mountain of money.
The BST took advantage of its alliance with Kirchnerism to bag four other companies: Orígenes, Cetelem, MetLife and Cardiff. Two of its owners, the Peralta brothers, were very close to Alberto Fernández and supported Massa's candidacy. Less well known, the group's main financier, Roberto Domínguez, who like the Peraltas comes from the world of banks, was chosen by Rodríguez Larreta as soon as he took office to place City securities for 60 million euros.
Business in the State with politics is always transversal
.
A few more details about Domínguez: an accountant and member of Opus Dei, he amassed an incalculable fortune.
He is famous for building churches
. He donated more money to Añelo, the town next to Vaca Muerta where he has investments, than all the other oil companies combined. He is
a partner of the AFA leaders
and has properties in cities across Europe and
five apartments here, in the exclusive Estrugamou Palace
.
Nación Seguros was not on the list of those privatizable by Milei.
Suspicious forgetfulness that is combined with forgetfulness? to reverse the decree
. Milei gave the Nación to Martín Menem and Menem put a friend from college, Alfonso Torres, who, in turn,
left managers from La Cámpora
led by Díaz Bancalari, today in the General Auditor's Office of the Nation. One is Mauro Tanos, who was raided by Judge Julián Ercolini. The Menems' protective umbrella in the government is Eduardo Lule Menem, with no known position but
with more access to power than any of his cousins due to his intimate relationship with Karina Milei
.
It will be necessary to see if Insurance Superintendent Guillermo Plate, a friend of Toto Caputo and Juan Pazo and who started Provincia Seguros, hand in hand with Vidalismo, finally opens his mouth and has something to say. But above all we have to wait to see
how much Ercolini can unravel this web of corruption
.
Blender and chainsaw take the side of the law and it seems that they also keep the unsold fish. It wouldn't hurt to have a bit of a chainsaw in the speech, and not get into trouble with whoever comes, be it president of Colombia, Venezuela or whatever, be it this or that opponent, that is, as always, against journalism.
The anti-caste discourse is clashing with reality or purposes. Which is very classy
.
So it is quite a challenge for Milei's rhetoric to defend Lijo's nomination for the Court, and, even more so, after having been convinced to launch it by Lorenzetti, the former president of the court who is obsessed with regaining the position. This new attack on the three members of the Court who survived the Kirchner offensive can only be understood because of
Milei's fear that they will turn his DNU over
from him, for which he has already sweated a lot. And sweats.
Lijo is the most accurate representation of the judicial caste that breaks down walls with the political caste
. One has an expiration date with the elections. The other one doesn't. And although his figure is associated with that of Lorenzetti,
Lijo has long since stopped being Lorenzetti
. He did her one last favor:
keep open two anonymous complaints against Rosenkrantz and Maqueda
, which curiously fell into his court. He promised Maqueda not to do anything but he did not file the procedure.
An authentic Lijo
: happy Maqueda and happy Lorenzetti, who they say is the one who promotes both causes.
Friendly and welcoming, Lijo is a visible distributor of favors.
He makes them, they owe them, and he also makes them and he owes them
. He has been denounced and more, especially by his brother Fredy, attached to the Wertheins and De Vido and to whom
Lijo has not spoken for years
. Lijo expresses himself both through his sentences and through his non-sentences.
He accelerates causes and also puts them to sleep
. It's no secret. Boudou was convicted for the Ciccone case in the Macri government. Already with Fernández, he got Boudou off another incredible deal with Formosa, in which the former vice president, like Fernández with insurance, turned to a broker to collect the bribe, the famous The Old Fund.
Another big job that Lijo passed up: the delivery of YPF to his friend Eskenazi, which today is a Damocles of 16 billion dollars.
And it's already been ten years of errands and errands
. Be careful: the majority of Milei voters are paying the adjustment without complaint. But
it is something that is paid for with money and for that reason, it is not settled with speech
. What they criticize most are the increases that the government granted itself. Something is or seems new:
the awareness that economic hardship is the daughter of corruption
, not of the price index, which is its consequence.