The age of reason
The
friendly opposition
will impose on the Government this Monday the terms of the new strategy, in which the governors who were from Together for Change and the blocs that gave 144 votes to the first version of the unborn omnibus law are recognized.
It will happen at 3:30 p.m. at the Government House, when
Guillermo Francos receives the leadership of the Hacemos block chaired by Miguel Pichetto
. This arc will facilitate the approval of the new version of the project, which the Government has advanced to the governors at Thursday's meeting and which will be formalized in writing at this time.
This project includes
all the recommendations
of this friendly opposition:
1. Does not contain agricultural withholdings.
2. Accepts the mobility formula proposed by the Elisa Carrió Coalition.
3. Reduces the delegation of legislative powers to the president to 10%.
4. Reduces the list of companies to be privatized to 25% and admits the intervention of Congress in this process.
They also reached
a compromise so that Milei stops harming them
. An official of unbearable height at the top of the government sent to say: "
Don't you see that Javier is more meek?
Besides, this week he is going on a trip for several days." A practical exercise in "decluttering", in Pichetto's jargon. In “The Age of Reason” Thomas Payne (1794) argued for reason rather than revelation.
What the governors ask
The governors heard from Francos the promise that
the Profit floor will be close to $2 million
and that they will be replaced by the update of pension funds, which had been frozen in 13 provinces the previous week.
The project will contain some
tax chapters that interest the leaders
, such as money laundering, a moratorium and the regime for large investments. This chapter, under the acronym RIGI (Incentive Regime for Large Investments), provides benefits for large-scale ventures and is the carrot to mobilize investments that are slowed down.
Since it was announced,
investors have frozen the initiatives
until the law comes out. With the delays, the RIGI has become a condition for them to restart. As long as they don't come out, not a piece of paper moves. Nobody had asked you for a RIGI, but if you opened your mouth, then I complied.
It happened to the
Macri government with the PPP
(Public-Private Participation Projects of which the RIGI is a copy). When the Cuadernos case broke, it scared away international partners and all the ventures collapsed altogether.
It is the
risk of announcing
projects that are not fulfilled later. They turn against those who propose them. Something very about this government, which is one step forward and two steps back. They believe that a newsletter has the force of a DNU.
Next comes the mirror law
The proof of love will be verified this week, when the Government sends the co-participation funds that it had cut off from Chubut and that replaced a court ruling. The intention of this sector is
to take away from the Government the pretext
that Congress is putting a spanner in the works.
The message is: you are going to have the law, and with the law in your hand
you are going to have to demonstrate that you can govern
. "Let's get out of this lack of definition, the law is good, and let's start dealing with the problems," says
Rogelio Frigerio
. If the Government does not fulfill its promise, this opposition will begin to use the power that the number of seats gives it to govern from Congress.
That arc presumes that
they can reach 2/3 in Deputies
to impose conditions on the government. The strategic consensus document includes the commitment that, once the new law is approved, they will advance the so-called mirror law, which contains a shaved version of DNU 70 that the Senate rejected.
They fear that Deputies will knock down DNU 70 before
The mirror law has several versions, one from the radical senator
Carolina Losada
, another from
Martín Tetaz
, endorsed by
Martín Lousteau
and originally discussed with
Nicolás Massot
. The mirror project endorses the reasonable deregulations of DNU 70 and will contain an article that repeals it.
With this
he intercepts the threat
that has been brandished for a few days by the serious opposition of the Deputies to request a special session of the Chamber to definitively overturn DNU 70, which has already been overturned by the Senate. That opposition has managed to gather
106 votes between Peronism and the left
and can add deputies from the middle.
They are inspired, dangerously for the Government, by
Lousteau's no positive vote
in the Senate. Since then, the ruling party has surrounded him with praise so that it does not occur to him to add his deputies from the radical bloc, about seven, to the militant battalion that wants to overturn the DNU 70.
The DNU adrift, yellow alert
To request the
special session, 10 deputies are enough
. They already have them, but they hope that in these hours they will reach 25 outside of Peronism. The Unión por la Patria bloc does not lead this request, but if a legislator from another bloc does, they will join them.
It could happen on Thursday
, after the meeting scheduled by the Bicameral Commission of the DNU.
The most important fact of the last week is the
resignation of Juan Carlos Romero to join it
. It is a worrying sign that the “Technical Director” (as
José Mayans
baptized him ) of the group of “The 39” that controls Congress
has resigned .
This Commission is chaired by
Juan Carlos Pagotto
from La Libertad Avanza, from La Rioja, who has called a session on Thursday. He has the mission of dealing with some DNU that were left unreviewed by the presidency of
Mauricio Macri
, many by
Alberto Fernández
and others by
Javier Milei
. Among them is the one that established a new pension mobility formula.
Milei signed it on March 22, meaning that
last Friday the
10-day deadline to send it to the Senate expired. From that moment on he can be treated by the Bicameral. Among the worries of Pagotto from La Rioja has been the need to be assigned an office in the Chamber.
As he is a well-mannered politician, he has worked
in offices in friendly blocks
- some from radicalism - that have lent him rooms, desks and a cafeteria. Nor, until last week, did he have advisors assigned to assist him in such a cyclopean task. This Tuesday there is a meeting of DNU Bica advisors. These advisors should appear there and Pagotto should now be able to enjoy an office worthy of his beard and investiture.
Transverse temptations
Germán Martínez
's bench
wants to avoid the demonization of the ruling party when negotiating one or two of the three vacant positions in the Audit. He hopes that some extreme character, like
Myriam Bregman
, will ask for the special session to get in line against DNU 70.
The gesture tempts many in a transversal way, such as the socialist
Esteban Paulón
. He integrates the block We make that is a cluster of a thousand flowers. Paulón expresses dissidence with the bloc regarding the DNU and is tolerated. What we do is a miracle of balance and political biodiversity.
It is led by a tightrope walker and great cornice walker like Pichetto. It is made up, among others, of
Juan Manuel López
, president of the Elisa Carrió Coalition block,
Nicolás Massot, Emilio Monzó, Ricardo López Murphy, Margarita Stolbizer, Florencio Randazzo and Oscar Agost Carreño
, president of the PRO of Córdoba.
López exercises that elasticity. He will not go to the meeting with Francos this Monday: "We don't usually go to the Government House," he told me. "Pichetto," he added, "represents us well, but
we don't go to those things
."
Necessity opens the door to politics
Of course time is the great computer. Necessity brings the Government out of the coma induced by a leadership that does not want many officials, is not bothered by vacancies in the cabinet and
reduces management to the accounting task of zero deficit
. How can you not make it if you don't pay the bills, like the rest of us? Thus, it is neither a deficit nor is it zero.
It is not the only simulation. The other is to avoid politics. The election of candidates to the Court, the Attorney General and the Audit
opens the door to politics
. The procedure was triggered by the government itself. It responds to the intention of using this procedure to win friends, consolidate alliances and clear up confusion.
In the case of the Court, Ariel Lijo's proposal is
to give Peronism a chance for formal rapprochement
- in the informal field Peronism has never been far away. The intention is for Peronism to receive the gauntlet and operate that designation as its own, because Lijo gravitates in the spectrum of Peronism. And if he doesn't succeed, let Peronism pay for the defeat. Lijo was yours, the Government will say.
Shared failures
All governments in the last 20 years have pointed out Comodoro Py's judges as
agents of evil
. Kirchner promised a cleanup in 2003 that would be carried out
by his minister Gustavo Béliz
.
Cristina de Kirchner
attempted a judicial reform that would destabilize what she believed was a parallel power. They failed.
Mauricio Macri promised the same and also hooded
. Alberto Fernández attempted a reform that would swamp Comodoro Py, merging the federal and national courts of the CABA and the suburban parties to weaken your gravitation. He also failed.
The Milei government proposes Lijo, the most political man in Comodoro Py's cast, and supports the Minister of Justice, who has criticized institutes with a deep Macrista flavor, such as the repentant laws or the Cuadernos cause. Lijo will be able to say, if he can, what Bill Kilgoren (Apocalypse Now character played by Robert Duval) said:
"I like the smell of napalm, it smells like victory
. "
Time to think twice
The Government has until
May 17 to confirm or not
the sending of the specifications to Congress. Decree 222 that regulates appointments to the Court provides for the candidates' background information to be published for three days. That will happen between April 15 and 17.
There are 15 days to receive observations and objections, until May 2. Since then, and for another 15 days, that is, until May 17, the government has time to "credit the reasons that supported the decision made."
That is,
you can review the decision to send the names
of Lijo and Manuel García Mansilla to the Senate. He will do it, of course, if he is sure, or not, that the votes are there for the candidates. Peronism is closer to supporting him,
but not García Mansilla
. "We Peronists never vote for people like that," tells me the highest authority of Peronism today for judicial issues and who negotiates these issues with the support of all the tribes of the party.