Tens of thousands of people arrive at the centers of demonstrations against the legal revolution throughout the country (according to section 27a)
Justice Minister Yariv Levin and Constitution Committee Chairman Simcha Rothman set a deadline of three more weeks for the completion of the main part of the legal revolution, and as part of it, the coalition's control of the composition of the Committee for the Selection of Judges. Already at the beginning they repeated that the end of the current session of the 25th Knesset would be the time in which they will want to complete the legislation in three readings. If the coalition really wants to change or soften the original outline that it is promoting, it is in order to achieve a wider consensus - the coming week is a critical time for it, and it is time to do it unilaterally.
Prime Minister Binyamin Netanyahu, Levin, Rothman and almost every decisive figure in the current coalition have time and again offered talks, publicly reached out for talks with the leaders of the opposition and even said they would be willing to compromise on the legislation they themselves are leading even though it has a solid majority in the Knesset to approve it.
What did the opposition leaders do in response?
Lapid and Gantz, each in turn, set conditions again and again: stop the legislation for 60 days, stop the discussions in the Constitutional Committee, do not advance bills on fortifications or ministerial appointments.
Conditions from here to America until it sometimes seemed that the coalition and the opposition were two equal groups.
As if there isn't a party here with 64 mandates and another party with 56 mandates.
Time is running out.
Rothman and Levin (Photo: Reuven Castro)
A protest that brings thousands to the streets is not one that can be ignored, nor should it be allowed to do so.
In order to avoid a deep rift in the people, it is possible and necessary to reach broader agreements, but what do we do when the gaps between the parties are so great?
If it were possible to draw one conclusion from the conduct of both parties, it is that a political compromise between coalition and opposition will probably no longer exist.
Faced with the demonstrations, as well as with the extremist organizations that promote them, there is almost no chance that Lapid, Gantz or Michaeli will sign agreements that would amount to an achievement for the coalition, even if it is a percentage of everything that the original reform offered at the beginning.
what yes
If President Yitzhak Herzog does not present an outline on his behalf, the coalition must promote a self-softening of the current version, based on talks held in recent weeks with civil organizations, i.e. a unilateral compromise, one that will give the legal plan wider public acceptance.
For example, a new version based on the Friedman, Albashan and Eiland outline or even just parts of it.
The timetable puts pressure on the coalition and in order to promote such a move, it must come together on the details by the end of next week and at the latest at the beginning of next week, then, present it to the Knesset, hold a debate on it next week in the Constitution Committee and approve it at the end of the winter session.
The debate going on here is between one group that thinks the Supreme Court has too much power and another group that is convinced that the proposed plan will give the government unlimited power.
The compromise should not be made between two parties.
Sometimes, as in this case, it is almost hopeless.
If the coalition is serious and determined to approve the reform, and gives the impression that it is - it must be attentive to its voters, they voted for this change, not to stop the legislation, but at the same time it has the duty to take the voices of protest seriously.
Considering that a complete waiver is not an option on the table, a unilateral compromise is not a crude option, it requires reality.
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The legal revolution
Benjamin Netanyahu
Rival Levin
Simcha Rothman
Yitzhak Herzog
