Russian influence on Brexit: Johnson's secret matter

A summer evening in London, it is the 21st of August 2012. About 250 guests are in the garden of the Russian Embassy. It celebrates the creation of a group that wants to promote better relations between Great Britain and Russia. Officially.

In fact, the "Conservative Friends of Russia" turn out to be a close to the Kremlin, a dubious alliance in which mainly Tory politicians are represented. When, a few months later, it becomes known that its main liaison with the Russian Embassy has close ties with the Moscow secret service FSB, the troupe disintegrates.

Well, more than seven years later, British media is reminiscent of the party in the embassy garden. Because it is particularly interesting who was there at the time. For example, Matthew Elliott, founding member of the Russia group. Elliott later became one of the leaders in "Vote Leave," the campaign organization that set the mood for Brexit. Or Dominic Cummings, mastermind on "Vote Leave" and now Boris Johnson's chief strategist in Downing Street.

Has money flowed?

The issues that are at stake in these days are not new - but they are gaining tremendous momentum in the UK just before the parliamentary elections:

• Has Russia influenced British politics?
• Has Moscow possibly contributed decisively to a narrow majority vote for Brexit in the summer of 2016? Has even money flowed? Money for the conservative Tories?

For 18 months, the Security Committee of the British Parliament has been investigating this matter, interviewing intelligence officers and other experts. The result is a 50-page report. Only: What exactly is in it, is not known. The dossier has to be released by the government before publication. And that adorns itself.

The whole thing has a bitter aftertaste. Finally, elections will take place on 12th December. And it is clear: If it came out that the Tory hardliners to Johnson, who now direct the government fate, were involved in dodgy machinations with Russia, that would be for the premier of the super-GAU in the election campaign.

Critics accuse the government of covering up

Johnson's critics complain promptly. The government wants to cover up a bit, they say. Dominic Grieve, head of the intelligence committee, complains that Downing Street would have had to release the report long ago. The final draft had been submitted to the government since 17 October.

However, a government spokesman referred to national security at the beginning of the week. Reports like these would have to go through "processes" before publication. And that would last. However, British media cite intelligence officials, according to which everything has already been approved by the authorities.

One thing is clear: in order to release the paper in time, the government should have taken the necessary steps by this Tuesday. Because then the parliament dissolves - and with it the committee, which has to publish the dossier finally after given permission of the government. So far, there is every indication that the British will not know until the elections whether the report will bring important new insights to light.

This is far from being said, even though the opposition is of course eager to capitalize on the Russia issue and attack the government.

Thousands of dubious Twitter accounts

But mistrust is no coincidence. There has long been plenty of evidence that Russia had its fingers in the Brexit election campaign:

• Another report released this year said that there was "compelling evidence" for foreign interference in domestic politics.
• Several studies also revealed how intensively Kremlin-friendly media disseminated EU-critical texts in the UK via social networks. London City University identified about a network of about 13,500 Twitter accounts that wrote about Brexit - and disappeared shortly after the referendum.

The focus is now mainly on Johnson's top consultant Cummings, one of the most dubious figures in British politics. Cummings bet on an aggressive campaign in social media in 2016.

In particular, questions raise his time in Russia, where he worked for various projects from 1994 to 1997. The Labor Opposition now wants to know what possible political contacts Cumming made at that time - and what security checks he had to go through prior to his entry into the government headquarters.

Even without publication of the report - the topic of Russia is likely to pursue Johnson and his people for a while in the election campaign.