"I did not go to the demonstration," Ben-Dror Yemini wrote last week in "Yedioth Ahronoth," although "a thorough investigation by law enforcement officials, which was investigative bias, and that the prosecutor's office is necessary." But despite all the deficiencies, he added, Netanyahu must retire, and the change will have to lead to the next one.

These things could have been true a decade or two ago, with the blurring of relations between the authorities just starting, and the malaise of democratic senses in its infancy. But at a time when we are witnessing another border being crossed every day, we no longer have the privilege of waiting. Just this past week, a series of unimaginable revelations has been summoned to us, following on from everything published about what is happening in the law enforcement system sponsored by Netanyahu's handling of cases.

It began with a consultation held by the Judea and Samaria Court to examine whether to allow the prime minister to continue to serve under indictment, despite explicit provision of the Basic Law. And when it was already concluded that the USSR could continue in office, the adviser left himself open to intervening in these matters after the elections, as this does not necessarily indicate the possibility of "forming" a government under indictment.

And while we find it difficult to fall asleep easily after this precedent, we were awakened to hear that the Minister of Justice is not allowed to nominate, despite the law, the State Attorney's Office. Not least, the Court is insisting on presenting only one candidate for government approval. The elected officials, it turns out, are required to be the rubber stamp of the officials. And yet, the High Court hearings did not begin with Basic Law: The Nationality, which passed by a majority of 61 Knesset members.

One important thing to understand: It is no coincidence that the unreasonable power of law enforcement and justice systems is increasing these days. This has a direct connection to Netanyahu's situation. The fact that some think that the general violation of democracy can be separated from the specific violation of it, has created fertile ground for the continued intervention of those who are not elected officials. On the one side is the "marked" and bruised right, which everything they say will be considered as political support blind, and on the other side stands the left, which in the name of the overthrow of Netanyahu does not respond to the problematic situation. And as the two camps crowd this way, the void between them is filled with judgments, interpretations, law enforcement, and very little capacity for change.

Indeed, Ben-Dror is right, for the past decade Netanyahu has not changed the rules of law and law enforcement. But it is a mistake to think that change can be made after going. Because for him, any "clean-cut" person can make the change. Without mentioning the plethora of known examples, it is important to remember Amnon Abramovich's remarks to Yariv Levin this year: When his name emerged as a possible candidate for the post of Minister of Justice, it was explained that if he dared to accept the position, his testimony in the police in the 2000 case will be published.

The change, then, must begin now, with Netanyahu, because no political figure will be able to make it without staining it. Netanyahu did, in fact, not because he cared about his interests, but because he set his political and economic goals at the forefront, and relied on partners such as Meridor, Kahlon and others, who would look after democracy. But now that all the extremists are gone, it would be a mistake to sin justly.