Democratic voting within a party is healthy and important: inspires activists, sharpens positions and prepares everyone for the general election storm. But when internal confrontation slips into the divide of the party, and when one candidate is strengthened, some are ready to embrace rivalry's narrative almost fully - we're in trouble.

Already while the government assembly mandate was moving to Netanyahu, Gideon Sa'ar was trying to hold Likud primaries. Primaries, as mentioned, are a welcome thing - in an election campaign. But to demand that they exist during the attempt to form a government? Not only did Sa'ar try to take the 32 mandates that the Likud received from Netanyahu, but he reinforced the argument of blue and white that if we just put Netanyahu aside, there will be a unity government "with everyone else." It's a near-complete acceptance of the personal argument the Left and the media have been promoting for months. On the other hand, the political, real reason for wanting to move Netanyahu, namely the overthrow of the right-wing government, was blurred.

Later, when it became clear that a third election was coming, the demand for primaries was no longer late. This time, too, she would have been accepted, had she not been accompanied by a cheerleading band that presented the Likud as a dictatorship, as a party unwilling to make primaries. The Likud, the only large-scale Democratic People's Party, has suddenly found itself defensive, and needs to explain why there are no primaries for the movement's leadership. The fact that in 2014 there were primaries, and in 2016 no one competed, no longer heard in the media. The narrative that the Left asked for was fixed. Netanyahu is a dictator, messianic Likudanics and giving up democracy for the "leader."

Furthermore, as the engines heated up and the dam was broken, Carmel Shama Cohen, a major supporter of Saar, reiterated the mantra of "a prime minister with three indictments." The problem for them, however, is not the conduct of the law enforcement and prosecutor's office, nor is there a concern about their voice from the bureaucracy's strength in the face of democracy. On the contrary, "only Netanyahu" is guilty, just as they say in a campaign of blue and white. Similarly, Yoav Kish explained in the studios: "We failed twice in forming a government ..." and helped to easily forget how the Left and Lieberman prevented its establishment with all their might.

The last rabbit to pull out was the call to place cameras at the polling station. Here, too, the desire to embarrass Netanyahu overcame everything. After all, the Likud never claimed that there was a fear of the purity of the elections. But now, the Likudniks are presented as straightforward, and in addition, the chance to fight the real forgery in the general election has also been buried. The baby with the water, did we say?

All of this is added to the "incitement" attribution terminology for Netanyahu and his people, expressing concern about the term "traitor" only when heard against an assault camp, and even using the phrase "sitting in Balfour" with a hint of Sayyub, which has already become routine. And so, the frustrating equation we are used to, in which the right is always portrayed as a party and a party, and the left, which is self-inciting, is the one that requires security and apologies, even now coming back within the Likud.

Internal coping is important, but it must not be confused, the real fight, in the end, is facing the left. Adopting his narrative now will be irreversible in the very near future.