The decision of the plaintiff in the International Court of Justice in The Hague was satisfied by Abu Mazen. The decision advances the strategy he shaped when he took office as chairman of the Palestinian Authority in 2004. At that time, he explained that since the beginning of the Second Intifada, more than 1,000 Israeli fatalities have failed to topple Israeli society, have not stopped settlements, and have not led to the liberation of the homeland. On the contrary, in his opinion, terrorism has damaged the advancement of the Palestinian cause. In this understanding, he designed a new approach: "Stop the militarization of the intifada. Let us carry out our task and convince the world that we have fulfilled our duty ... "(Jordanian daily al-Rai, September 30, 2004).

What might have seemed to be a disapproval of the path of terrorism and the path to peace, actually led to a political campaign in the international arena. In directing her, he sought to harness international influences: UN institutions, the EU, the International Court of Justice in The Hague and the BDS boycott.

Last Friday, in a new column in Ma'ariv, former Prime Minister Ehud Olmert called on the upcoming election campaign to resume negotiations with the Palestinian Authority led by Abbas. "The absence of such negotiations," he stated, "is no less a strategic attack on Israel's supreme existential interest." It is worth mentioning what Olmert, according to Olmert, looks like, the basis for negotiations with Abu Mazen. The gap between the Olmert map that he brought to Annapolis and the Rabin map is significant and worth highlighting.

In his last speech in the Knesset (October 5, 1995), in a discussion on the second stage of the Oslo program, Rabin outlined basic principles: The first: "Unified Jerusalem to include both Ma'ale Adumim and Givat Ze'ev as the Israeli capital under Israeli sovereignty." The second principle: "The security border for the protection of the State of Israel will be placed in the Jordan Valley in the most extensive interpretation of this concept." Regarding the status of the Palestinian state, he stated: "It will be an entity that is less than a state, and which will independently manage the lives of Palestinians who are in control of it."

Based on his approach, Yitzhak Rabin perceived the Oslo agreement as a process between Israel and the Palestinians, which is in search of mutual return. However, all of Rabin's principles collapsed on the slippery slope of the process. Since the unprecedented concessions of former Prime Minister Ehud Barak at Camp David 2000, which Olmert continued, the partition of Jerusalem and a complete concession to the Jordan Valley and a fully sovereign Palestinian state have been set as the starting point for negotiations. - whose accumulation together is no more than 3-6 percent of the West Bank and Jordan Valley areas - including vital Israeli territories in the Arad region, Yatir Ridge and the Bari Forest in the Gaza Strip.

On the part of the Palestinians, the understanding of the squeeze power in their hands was formulated: the more it is necessary for Israel to rush to separate, as an Israeli interest, the more the Palestinians can charge a full price for the move without any real consideration.

In the meantime, Israeli discourse is ignoring what has already been created in the full implementation of the Interim Agreement to Oslo. The entire Palestinian population in Gaza and territories A and B in Judea and Samaria has been transferred to the Palestinian Authority. Since January 1996, Israeli control over 90 percent of Palestinians has remained. The dispute over East Jerusalem and the area in Judea and Samaria in Territory C. These settlements include all the settlements. , The main roads, the vital ruling areas and the Jordan Valley. These spaces, which Yitzhak Rabin outlined in personal focus, express the space needed for Israel's existence and protection. Against this, Abu Mazen is directing the political campaign, and it is no less dangerous to the State of Israel than the armed struggle waged by Hamas and Islamic Jihad in the Gaza Strip. With Iran's growing influence, placing a threat envelope on Israel's borders in the north and south, entering negotiations with Abu Mazen in the Bar-Olmert outline poses an existential threat to the State of Israel.

Gen. (Res.) Gershon Cohen is a research fellow at the Begin Sadat Center